SUMMARY: Recommended Actions

Working together with Mexican civil society groups, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) organized a national referendum on indigenous rights on March 21. Before the vote, 5000 Zapatista delegates fanned out to Mexico’s 32 states. More than 2.5 million Mexicans participated in the unofficial vote, with 96% responding affirmatively to the four questions. Most significant was the support for the legislative proposal of COCOPA (the congressional Commission for Agreement and Pacification) regarding implementation of the 1996 San Andres Accords. (That proposal was previously rejected by the federal government. The EZLN insists on implementation of the San Andres Accords as one condition for the renewal of peace talks.)

While the unofficial vote had no legal authority, it may encourage members of Congress to re-evaluate the COCOPA legislative proposal. In addition, the referendum raises the profile of indigenous rights and the Zapatistas’ role as next year’s presidential elections approach.

Chiapas state officials have undertaken their own initiatives to project the message that the conflict has wound down, the EZLN has begun to disarm, and Chiapas is moving forward with or without the Zapatistas. In March, Governor Roberto Albores introduced legislation regarding indigenous rights and culture, saying that it was based on the San Andres Accords. It was criticized for lacking substance, and in the face of the opposition of the EZLN, it seems unlikely to contribute to the reduction of tensions. But it does contribute to the image of a government engaged in pro-active peace efforts.

The same may be said of the governor’s disarmament bill, which was approved by the state Congress in February. While its language excludes both the EZLN and paramilitary groups, it nonetheless set the stage for a number of highly publicized events in which supposed Zapatistas publicly turned in their arms in exchange for development assistance. The EZLN vigorously denied that its members had participated, claiming instead that the individuals involved were members of paramilitary groups or common criminals and in some cases providing detailed information about them, including their names. However while images of “Zapatistas” handing their arms to Governor Albores appeared in newspapers around the world, the EZLN’s denials generally went unreported.

In any case, the referendum demonstrated that national support for the EZLN remains high. Meanwhile, events in Chiapas suggest a possible strengthening of the Zapatista position there. While throughout the conflict area, the return of thousands of displaced remains an urgent unmet need, in a recent visit to the northern region SIPAZ observed that a number of displaced families with opposition ties have been able to return peacefully to their villages. Also evident in certain communities were surprising expressions of openness to the EZLN from representatives of the paramilitary group that has dominated the region for the last several years, Development Peace and Justice.

On April 7, the tension in San Andres Larrainzar increased when the PRI (ruling party) mayor-elect took over government offices with the backing of hundreds of state police. The unarmed Zapatistas, who had boycotted last October’s elections, withdrew without a fight from the buildings they have occupied since 1995. But 1000-3000 returned the next day to reoccupy the town hall. On that occasion, the police pulled back without violence. Governor Albores has justified the dismantling of Zapatista autonomous counties because they are a threat to the rule of law. In this case, he appeared to reverse course when he explained that it was a political rather than a legal problem, and thus it required a political solution. Nonetheless, the government continues its legal efforts to redraw county boundaries in Chiapas, with the apparent purpose of undermining Zapatista political power.

In the continuing investigation of the December 1997 Acteal massacre, testimony from accused policemen implicated the police in the purchase of illegal weapons and in the protection of the paramilitary groups that used them. As a result, two former high-ranking state officials were charged.

On the international scene, Mexico was one of fifteen countries to receive special scrutiny during the recent session of the UN Human Rights Commission. Coinciding with an appeal from a hundred Mexican non-governmental organizations, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson announced that she will visit Mexico in October. In a March report, Amnesty International continued its strong criticism of systematic human rights violations in Mexico, especially in Chiapas, Oaxaca and Guerrero, states where armed opposition groups are active.

Near-term prospects for the solution of the conflict appear scant. The EZLN continues its political initiatives aimed at maintaining public attention and mobilizing civil society, whose role it views as key to the conflict’s resolution. At the same time the EZLN appears to hold out little hope of fruitful negotiations with the Zedillo government.

Many political analysts believe that, for the remainder of his term, President Zedillo has opted for simply “administering” the conflict in Chiapas rather than either a political or a military solution. The political initiatives of the federal government would seem to confirm this view. They appear aimed at achieving peace but, because they don’t include the EZLN in the resolution of the conflict, they hold out little prospect of success. On the other hand, the heavy militarization of the region serves to maintain tight control at the cost of serious human rights violations, as noted consistently by international human rights observers.

While there are signs that some communities are turning away from violence as a means of dealing with local conflicts, the lack of solutions to the underlying problems of grinding poverty and political oppression make it likely that the tension, polarization and violence will continue.

Recommended Actions

• Urge COCOPA to take advantage of citizen support for its legislative proposal on indigenous rights and culture by finding a way to present it to the federal Congress, placing the interests of peace above partisan politics.
• Urge the federal and state governments to resolve the cases of the political prisoners in Cerro Hueco, beginning with implementation of the recommendation of the National Human Rights Commission.
• Urge the Zedillo administration to: disarm the armed civilian/paramilitary groups that operate in Chiapas;
• order a substantial reduction of the Army presence in the conflict areas in Chiapas as an authentic and concrete sign of its will to dialogue;
• recognize and respect the efforts of human rights workers and international observers whose work offers substantial support to the peace process.
• Circulate information, such as this Report, on the situation in Chiapas.

Please write:

Lic. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León
Presidente de la República
Palacio Nacional
06067 México, DF – México
Fax: (int-52) (5) 271 1764 / 515 4783

Roberto Albores Guillén
Gobernador de Chiapas
Palacio de Gobierno
29009 Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Chiapas – México
Fax: (int-52) (961) 20917

Comisión de Concordia y Pacificación
Paseo de la Reforma # 10, piso 17
06018 México, DF – México
Fax: (int-52) (5) 140 3288