:: SUMMARY

A sleeping volcano, a time bomb about to explode – these are two of the metaphors that have been used recently to describe the current situation in Chiapas. Statistics recently published by the government indicate that Chiapas, with its high levels of poverty, illiteracy and unemployment, is the most marginalized state in Mexico. Furthermore, in a country that has opted for the neoliberal model, many fear that the economic debacle that Argentina is currently experiencing could be repeated in Mexico.

A variety of commentaries have been made concerning the first year of the governments of President Fox and Chiapas state governor, Pablo Salazar. At the federal level, although macroeconomic indicators demonstrate a certain stability, the majority of social problems remain unresolved, as is also true of various issues in the area of human rights and the Mexican judicial system.

In the first year of his government, Pablo Salazar has had to contend with countless political and social problems, not the least of which is the increasing difficulty of maintaining the support of the parties and social organizations which were instrumental in bringing him to power. Divisions and conflicts within the PRI and other parties have sharpened as a result of changes in party leadership. Within this context it has become more dificult to implement effective measures for resolving the deeply rooted problems of poverty and marginalization that prevail in the state.

In Chiapas polarization and tensions continue to increase, as have the reports of harassment, threats and kidnappings. The Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center reported that in the first year (2001) of the Salazar government the center handled 45 cases of human rights violations. In January of 2002 the President of the Chiapas State Human Rights Commission received death threats and his house and car were fired upon. On the other hand, on the 15th of February, Chiapas state police arrested Diego Vazquez, leader of the paramiliatry organization Peace and Justice, for various violent crimes committed between 1995 and 1997.

The national context is characterized by much uncertainty and tension with few visible advances. This can be seen particularly with regard to the human rights situation. In February, General Jose Gallardo was freed after spending eight years in prison for having called for the creation of a human rights ombudsman within the Mexican Army. The release of Gallardo was due to international pressure. However, this did not result in his innocence being recognized by the government which also has yet to comply with other recommendations of the Interamerican Commission of Human Rights. (See Recommended Actions.)

At the end of last year an interministerial committee, consisting of the Attorney General’s Office, Public Security and National Defense, was set up to coordinate efforts with regard to the protection of human rights defenders. However, in January the Miguel Augustin Pro Human Rights Center reported that there have been few advances in the investigation of the murder of human rights attorney Digna Ochoa. They criticized the lack of cooperation offered to Mexico City Attorney General by the Ministry of National Defense and other federal agencies. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Federation of Human Rights have recently published reports in which they acknowledge that, although there have been some advances in the area of human rights, there are many issues still pending.

One important initiative was the report issued at the end of November 2001 by the National Commission on Human Rights regarding the forced disappearances during the so-called “dirty war” of the ‘70s and ‘80s. This report was a major step in the struggle against impunity.

Thestill unresolved issue of the Law on Indigenous Rights and Culture is another aspect of the tension and uncertainty. The Supreme Court of Justice will soon be issuing decisions on the more than 300 constitutional challenges which have been brought against the law. If the high Court validates the law this could reinforce the idea – promoted by some of the most radical groups – that violence is the only way of achieving change in Mexico.

Recommended Actions

1. Write to President Fox expressing your concern
   1. that the constitutional reform regarding indigenous rights has become an obstacle to renewing the peace process and advancing toward a soltion to the conflict in Chiapas,
   2. regarding the lack of advances in the investigation into the murder of Digna Ochoa, and urge him to take the necessary measures to insure that the Army and federal and state government agencies cooperate with the Mexico City Attorney General’s Office so that those responsible for the murder may be brought to justice and an end put to the threats against human rights defenders.
2. Write to President Fox thanking him for freeing General Gallardo and exhorting him to comply with the other recommendation of the Interamerican Commission on Human Rights: full reparation of damages for the General, acknowledgement of his innocence as well as the investigation and punishment of those responsible for the false accusations which led to his imprisonment and endangered his life.
3. Write to the Supreme Court respectfully expressing your hope that it will resolve the constitutional challenges to the Law on Indigenous Rights and Culture keeping in mind the demands raised by indigenous people, the commitments made by the Federal government in the San Andres Accords of 1996, and the obligations which Mexico has assumed by ratifying Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization.
4. Circulate information – such as the contents of this report – about the situation in Chiapas

Please Write to:

Lic. Vicente Fox
Presidente de la República
Residencia Oficial de los Pinos
Colonia M. Chapultepec, Delegación M. Hidalgo
11850 México, D.F., México
Fax: (+52) 55 55 15 17 94
Internet site for comments

Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación
Calle Pino Suárez #2
Col. Centro, Delegación Cuauhtemoc
México D.F., México
Fax: (+52) 55 55 22 44 45

:: UPDATE

Human Rights in Mexico: Unresolved Issues

In December 2001, President Fox sent an initiative to the Senate requesting ratification of the Statute of the International Penal Court giving that body jurisdiction over crimes against humanity. The Ministry of Government announced the creation of an inter-ministerial committee made up of the Attorney General’s Office (PGR), Public Security and National Defense in order to coordinate protection measures for defenders of human rights. At the same time, the Senate approved five international agreements to castigate human rights violations.

After more than eight years in prison following his efforts to create a position of “ombudsman” in the army, General Jose Francisco Gallardo was released by federal order on February 7 under a reduction of sentence. Human rights organizations indicated that this action represented only partial compliance with the recommendations of the Interamerican Commission on Human Rights (CIDH), because it fails to address the issues of the campaign of harassment and persecution against the General, investigation and prosecution of those responsible for his unjust imprisonment, and reparation of damages. For his part, Gallardo said he will continue the legal battle to prove his complete innocence as well as his quest to create a military ombudsman.

On the other hand, national and international human rights organizations continue to express concerns. In December, Amnesty International presented a report saying that in Mexico human rights defenders are treated like "criminals or subversives," and they can be subjected to degrading forms of persecution or even murdered, as in the case of Digna Ochoa. Following their investigation in December, the International Federation of Human Rights criticized the situation of economic, social and cultural rights facing Mexican indigenous peoples. In a January report, Human Rights Watch praised the "big changes" in the Mexican government's attitude regarding human rights, but it warned that “significant advances” are still necessary to resolve military abuses and bring them under civil jurisdiction.

Also in December, evaluating the first year of the Fox government, the Miguel Agustin Pro Human Rights Center (Center PRODH) indicated its concern that there is still no state policy with regard to human rights, and that government actions seem to be driven mainly by concern to maintain a good international image. Attention has not been given to structural problems, and impunity and the tendency to militarize civilian spheres continues.

Four months after the murder of Digna Ochoa, that case is still not solved. Due to lack of advances, Bernardo Batiz, Attorney General of the Federal District, replaced the entire investigating team in December, placing it in charge of the prosecuting attorney for human rights, Renato Sales. Even so, at the end of January, the Center PRODH denounced the failure on the part of the National Defense Ministry and other federal agencies to cooperate with the investigation. In addition, the offer of the CIDH to assist the investigating team by contributing an expert advisor has not been acted upon.

In the wake of the report issued by the National Commission of Human Rights (CNDH) at the end of November, demands of civil society continue for a thorough investigation into the massacre of Tlatelolco in October of 1968 and the cases of forced disappearances in the so-called “dirty war” of the 70’s and 80’s. To investigate the latter, a Special Office of the Public Prosecutor was established, headed by Ignacio Carrillo Prieto. In December official documents of the PGR were revealed which clearly indicate the existence of detainees and missing in 1968, thus contradicting more than three decades of official accounts.

During the first year of the new state government in Chiapas, the Fray Bartolome de las Casas Human Rights Center has documented 45 cases of human rights violations. Although this is a significant decrease compared to previous governments, the Center considers that there has been no forceful response to these denunciations. In a special report, it also accused the police in Chiapas of continuing their practice of torture, death threats, robbery and abuse of authority against indigenous people, and it asked that the governor publicly present his human rights policy as well as a plan for reforming the state justice system. In January the government of Chiapas announced that it will investigate abuses allegedly committed by the state police during the rescue of five government officials last July 27 in the county of Marques de Comillas.

In January, Pedro Raul Lopez Hernandez, president of the State Human Rights Commission, received death threatens, and shots were fired at his house and vehicle. According to him, he is being persecuted by state government officials. Governor Pablo Salazar denied the accusation and condemned the aggression. He also asked the CNDH and the PGR to investigate the case. The CNDH as well as the CIDH requested the federal government to take urgent action to protect the lives of Lopez Hernandez and his family.

Realities that contradict the speeches

In December, president Fox said that Mexico is already part of the “select group of nations leading globalization and the development of humanity.” Paradoxically, one month later he announced that during this year 250 micro-regions of high marginalization and migration will emerge from poverty. On the other hand, the Minister of Work and Planning assured that the economy will grow 1.7% and that 300,000 jobs will be created this year. Fox also announced that the agricultural program for the next five years aims to leave behind the culture of subsidies and paternalism, replacing it with supports to generate agro-business and production capital. The Minister of Agriculture, Javier Usabiaga, added that the agrarian sector "must adjust to the new rules of the economic game.” The opposition, however, maintained that the current Argentinean crisis "demonstrates the failure of the neoliberal model in Latin America,” and that Fox should take it as a wake-up call if Mexico wants to avoid falling into the same trap by following the mistaken "prescriptions" of the International Monetary Fund.

According to year 2000 census figures, Chiapas leads the nation in its level of marginalization: 93.16% of the state's counties are of "very high" and "high" marginalization, including racially mixed as well as indigenous areas. In January, the Ministry of Social Development promised that it will dedicate 400 million pesos to Chiapas for a dozen development programs (in 2001 the amount was 360 million pesos).

Chiapas: “Nervous peace”

Cardinal Roger Etchegaray, president emeritus of the Pontifical Council of Justice and Peace, visited Chiapas in January. In a meeting with President Fox, Etchegaray said that "the problem of Chiapas is real, it is a serious problem, but it is also a symbolic problem, in the sense that in all of Mexico one finds, at the base, these social problems. That is to say, the problems of poverty, respect for the dignity of man, for each man." He added that the Pope is worried about the “nervous peace” in Chiapas.

At the community level, conflicts continue to proliferate (See Feature). There are more and more accusations of harassment, threats, kidnappings and attacks in various counties of the jungle and northern regions, and the autonomous counties continue denouncing the increase of over flights and military patrols around their communities. Post-electoral conflicts continue unresolved in several counties of the state. In December, the sub-minister of Government of Chiapas announced the creation of a new counterinsurgency body which will operate in the sierra region.

On the other hand, twenty social, political and religious organizations from the northern region of Chiapas, with the exception of Peace and Justice, signed an agreement on January 27 in Tila, in which they commit to stopping armed incursions and threats and aggressions against EZLN supporters. In the county of Chenalho, the new PRI mayor and the new board of directors of The Bees ratified the non-aggression pact signed last August 24 within the framework of the Bees' return to their communities. In addition, the PGR initiated an investigation targeting several former officials of that county -- including former mayor Antonio Perez Arias -- for obstructing the operation against paramilitaries of Los Chorros in November of 2000.

On February 15, the government of Chiapas announced the arrest of Diego Vazquez, principal ch'ol leader of the paramilitary organization Peace and Justice, for various violent crimes committed in 1995 and 1997. The operation was carried out by state police on the orders of the sub-attorney general in El Limar (northern region), one day after the signing of pacification accords negotiated by the state government between EZLN supporters and Peace and Justice. Vazquez had refused to sign the agreement, which permitted the reopening of the Catholic temple in El Limar. According to authorities, arrest of the paramilitary leader "corresponds to the government belief that the reconciliation accords are not certificates of impunity, and that justice will go wherever it has to go."

First advances in the fight against corruption

In 266 audits covering the final year of former governor Roberto Albores’ administration, over 2.5 billion pesos have been found missing from the treasury of Chiapas. As a result, 1023 administrative procedures and 43 penal accusations have been initiated against former officials. Librado de Torre Gonzalez, Minister of Agriculture and Livestock in the Albores government, was arrested December 19, accused of criminal association, embezzlement, fraud, abuse of authority and improper exercise of public functions. He is the fourth official of the previous administration to be arrested following these audits.

At the federal level, investigations begun in January regarding the diversion of more than one billion pesos from PEMEX into the PRI’s 2000 presidential campaign, document in a precise way for the first time the financing of the former official party by means of the public treasury.

:: ANALYSIS

Chiapas: Dangerous distancing

“Chiapas is an inactive volcano that could explode at any time.”
(Cardinal Roger Etchegaray – president emeritus of the Pontifical Council of Justice and Peace, and Papal emissary — following his visit to Chiapas in early January.)

A year ago, our analysis of the Chiapas conflict was much more optimistic regarding the possibilities for renewal of the peace process: the EZLN was announcing its march to Mexico City, and seven years after the beginning of the conflict, the new governments, both at the federal and state levels, were giving encouraging signs. (see SIPAZ reports from February and May 2001).

This process of rapprochement was frustrated last April with the approval of a reform regarding indigenous rights which indigenous organizations rejected because it conflicted with the San Andres accords signed between the government and the EZLN in February 1996. Since approval of these accords was one of the conditions raised by the Zapatistas for resuming the dialogue, this constituted a crucial point.

Decreasing maneuvering room

The EZLN has kept silent for more than nine long months, and analysts do not expect it to break this silence until the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN) resolves the more than 300 constitutional challenges filed against the new indigenous law. The influence of the highest judicial body has increased notably since the beginning of the Fox government. As a possible counterweight to the other powers, it could become the referee of the democratic transition.

So far, this temporary hiatus has served to contain the growing tendency toward polarization. As a result, the SCJN bears a significant responsibility in handling the issue: if it rules in favor of the law, the margin for political and legal action will close even further. This decision could lend legitimacy to the more radical armed groups and cause the resurgence of violence as the only possible option. On the other hand, if the SCJN rules against the law and the topic is reopened in Congress, the actors will have greater possibilities of handling the tension politically.

Another margin for maneuvering might still be found in the proposal of 160 congressional representatives to reintroduce the original COCOPA reform. However, in an unfavorable international context, with Plan Puebla-Panama already in the pipeline, and given the current conformation of Congress, reopening the debate is likely to offer few possibilities for constructive change.

At the first anniversary of the Fox government

Chiapas is only one of President Fox's many pending campaign promises. Although the government has managed to maintain a certain degree of macroeconomic stability in the midst of an adverse international context, many social issues remain unresolved or are worsening. In more than one area, the situation lends itself to increased instability and conflict.

Although it is undeniable that there have been some advances in the democratic transition (in particular a greater respect for the division of powers), some topics have been postponed pending more auspicious times. Such is the case for example with the promised state reform, which has been tabled for lack of support in Congress.

An important initiative was the unexpected presentation of the CNDH report on forced disappearances, barely four days before the end of Fox's first year of government. It constitutes a first step in clarifying the crimes of State committed in past decades, and a key decision in the struggle against impunity. This also reopened other pending topics: the massacre of '68, the case of general Gallardo, etc. This tendency has provoked uneasiness in certain sectors of the Army and the PRI.

Following the murder of human rights activist Digna Ocha in October 2001, threats to defenders of human rights, journalists and political figures have multiplied. Beyond the cases themselves, however, it becomes ever more difficult to deny the structural character of the problems in Mexico: impunity, limitations on and lack of guarantees in the system of administration of justice, privileges and growing influence of the armed forces, etc. The repeated occurrence of cases of this nature introduced a flat note in the relations of the Fox government with international human rights organizations, following several months of relative harmony.

At the first anniversary of Pablo Salazar’s state government

The reality noted at the federal level displays more than a passing similarity with the experience at the state level: heads of the executive branch governing without the support of the parties which brought them to power or with an opposition controlled Congress; shifting of political powers and actors; contradictions within and between the levels of power; institutional inertia and lack of experience on the part of newly appointed officials; growing social discontent, . . .

Although the PRI retained its majority in the state Congress, that does not mean that it has control as a party. The governor’s strategy seems to have relied on individual lobbying of congress members rather than on negotiating with the party blocs. In fact, party divisions are blurring more and more, a fact which is even more apparent at the county level. In the communities, many choose to be "pro-government," whichever party may be in power.

The state PRI finds itself weakened by pressures from two sides: on one side is the changeover in leadership in which personal interests appear more clearly, thus reviving tensions between national and state party leaders; on the other side are the judicial processes initiated against officials of the previous (PRI) administration.

In his first year, the first non-PRI governor of Chiapas had to expend a great deal of energy to maintain a minimum of governability, able neither to reduce tensions nor to respond to the enormous economic and social challenges in the state. Moreover, faced with the polarization of the political-social scene, it is particularly difficult to promote development projects without these becoming another source of tension and division between opposing sectors.

Chiapas: Ready to explode?

In the meantime, the stagnation of the peace process continues to exact a high cost at the local level, since it brings with it a radicalization of positions. The EZLN is distancing itself ever more from local organizations with which it was previously allied and which are now aligned with the government of Pablo Salazar. Confrontations over agrarian matters and political differences — including ongoing post-electoral conflicts — have multiplied in several parts of the state, and the way in which they have been handled provides dramatic evidence of the lack of tolerance and of a democratic culture.

Beyond the future of the indigenous law and the dialogue process, this situation of division and growing violence within the indigenous communities reduces possibilities for building autonomy, a subject that could then become another source of conflict.

In addition, in 2001 Chiapas again ranked first as the most marginalized state in the nation, a worrisome reality now affecting not only the indigenous communities but some racially mixed regions as well.

:: FEATURE

Challenges to Peace and Reconciliation in Chiapas

Although it's true that there has been no open armed conflict in years and that the issue of Chiapas no longer concerns the average Mexican nor is it presently a factor on the international scene, disagreements within local communities have multiplied. This proliferation is exacerbated by the polarization between the EZLN and the federal government. The breakdown of the social fabric has worsened and the nature of the disagreements is such that there is an increasing possibility that the situation may sooner or later explode.

The likelihood of finding solutions becomes more and more difficult. Negotiations between the EZLN and the Mexican government are still suspended. It has also become clear that peace cannot be achieved by way of a short term process, nor with the signing of an agreement between these two parties, which are no longer the only ones involved in the conflict. Rather the solution would seem to lie in a slow and laborious reconstruction of the social fabric.

Chiapas: A current x-ray

It becomes increasingly challenging to explain the dynamics now operating in Chiapas as a consequence of the unresolved conflict between the Zapatistas and the Mexican government. After years of low-intensity warfare, violence and exhaustion, the fault lines dividing the people have become ever diversified. Thus, the number of spaces in which people can work on peaceful resolution has diminished substantially. Old disputes which, with the passage of years, have turned into more serious conflicts have their roots in political, ideological, agrarian and religious differences.

The Zapatistas have ruled out the electoral option as a means of achieving the structural changes which, from their point of view, are required in Mexico. Although they have not prevented their members from voting, they have continued to develop parallel government structures in the autonomous counties. In the absence of legal recognition of these autonomous governments (recognition which was originally included in the San Andres Accords) a primary source of tension has arisen in clashes between the officially recognized government and the autonomous counties. Where communities are divided neither the official nor the autonomous structures of government have been able to respond adequately to problems which arise because there is no single authority that is recognized by all the parties in conflict.

The situation took a new turn following the elections of 2000 in which the PRI lost at both the federal and state levels. For the first time in over seventy years the opposition had won. Many independent organizations backed the change and thus naturally are now looking to obtain the benefits that come with having supported the winning party. This change in the ruling government has brought with it a surprising repositioning of political parties and other powerful groups as they adapt themselves to this new reality in a very pragmatic, if not opportunistic, manner.

The tension decreased in the first months of the new goverment: the Zapatista march to to Mexico City and its arrival in Congress generated high expectations with regard to the peace process. However, after the approval of the indigeneous reform in April (see the SIPAZ Report of April 2001), the EZLN retreated into the silence of the jungle and suspended all contact with the federal and state governements. In many areas the people or groups who had established relationships with any government agency (especially through the programs of social and economic asssistance) could be accused of betraying "la lucha".

Thus at this point the division is not only between Zapatistas and PRI supporters. As we have pointed out on several occasions in our analyses, party differences have become more and more blurred in Chiapas. Currently the more critical conflicts are those among local indigenous organizations formerly allied with the EZLN.

Irregularities in the ownership of land in a region where land is at a premium, has been a source of conflict for decades in Chiapas, and is again causing tensions. It was a common practice of former governments to award the same property title to more than one community.

In addition, former administrations often used the distribution of resources and government programs as a counterinsurgency technique to secure allies and, at the same time, to ensure that opposition and pro-government groups were constantly at odds in the indigenous communities. Despite the change in government, strong feelings about official aid remain in the minds of many people. Therefore, when it comes to designing strategies for community development, the risks continue to be the same: it is difficult to implement projects without engendering conflict among various groups.

Underlying the specific rivalries, there are two conflicting strategies: on the one hand, Zapatista resistance is aiming toward the ultimate transformation of existing unjust structures; on the other hand, other independent indigenous organizations have accepted aid, regardless of its source, in order to strengthen themselves and increase their area of influence.

According to one analyst in Chiapas, "The Zapatistas have a political vision that goes beyond the local sphere. But people in the communities are in a survival mode. Everyday life has worsened as a result of the divisions. This is the tension point: to continue struggling for national reform and fighting against neoliberalism versus finding ways to meet the needs of the people.

In the religious arena, the situation is much more complex than a simple division between Catholics and Evangelicals. In the SIPAZ Report of May 2000, we stressed that more than a source of conflict in itself, the religious factor has been used for political and economic interests. In practical terms this is expressed in various ways: one is in controlling access to positions of responsibility; another is in giving sacraments based on a person's political affiliation. Could there be a more tangible expression of the profound division in Chiapas than the celebration of two masses for two different groups, both of whom belong to the same religion and live in the same community?

Because of the lack of a process of dialogue and the increase in conflicts of various kinds, the social and cultural fabric in the communities has been torn apart. The sense of community that is key in supporting the identity of indigenous groups, and which is an important resource in processing and resolving conflicts, has fractured. In some instances, the divisions and clashes occur even within families. There has been no armed confrontation since 1994, but the war has continued in a more subtle form which equally constrains possibilities for constructing peace.

When words are not enough...

In a context of extreme polarization, it is almost unavoidable that any intervention -- even if it aims to transform conflict or reduce tension -- could be considered taking sides. This was seen during the first years of the conflict around the issue of "human rights." In the northern part of the state it was common for visitors to be asked "Are you for human rights?" Depending on their answer, visitors were labeled as allies or enemies. Since that time human right organizations have been seen by many allies of the PRI as biased actors in community conflicts.

An example of this is the book from the alleged paramilitary group Peace and Justice. The book's title is "Neither rights nor humans in the Northern Chiapas: the other truth of the events in the Ch'ol region'' (1997). In this book, referring to the human rights groups that had been present in the area, it states: "They have not contributed to the lessening of tension in the area and are seen by those affected as protagonists who arrived from abroad with resources which complicate the situation in the region even more."

Another word which has been and continues to be controversial is "peace." In more than eight years of conflict all the actors have talked about "peace." But the understandings of that word have varied: for the government it means the re-establishment of the "order" that existed before the uprising. This "pax romana," which is really just an absence of war, is a long way from the "peace and justice with dignity" of the Zapatistas and from the concept of "positive peace" which goes beyond the reduction of violence and which has as its goal the construction of peace based on everyday attitudes and values.

Currently the same thing is happening with the word "reconciliation." The state government and some groups accused of being paramilitary talk about the necessity for "letting bygones be bygones" rather than about a profound and authentic process of reconciliation.

However, the victims of injustice have a their own understanding of the word "reconciliation." In the lower Tila region we heard this comment: "Those from the government want reconciliation before justice. We are in the process of obtaining compensation for being displaced. We were prisoners for many years, but they (Peace and Justice) have nobody in jail. We want justice in order to be able to talk about reconciliation." A human rights activist from the Altamirano region also told us: "Now, everybody is talking about reconciliation but they want to make believe that nothing has happened."

Both in Chenalho and in the northern region of Chiapas, we heard the same cries of pain: "We want justice for our dead." At the same time, it is worth noting that when confrontations between indigenous groups take place, a black and white ("the good and bad," "the victims and victimizers") reading is not sufficient in the situations of violence that have torn the state for the past years. It is clear that these processes of reconciliation cannot take place without the approval of those affected nor can they be imposed from the outside if they are to be sustainable in the long run.

Finally, there are some indications of a change in attitude on the part of some of the victims towards the perpetrators of the injustices, the former perhaps assuming that justice will not come from the State. In Nuevo Limar (northern region), a catequist told us: "If those from UCIAF come to us, we will not reject them, even though they beat us." In Jolnixtie, also in the northern region, a member of the PRD affirmed: "We want all the arrest warrants cancelled, because it is not fair that those from Peace and Justice pay, when they were forced to do the things they did by the government itself."

The First Conference on Community Experiences of Reconcilation and Peace, was held in San Cristobal in November 2001. Reconciliation remains a priority for the more than 70 people who participated. It is necessary, however, to make clear what this word means for them: "We are seeking a just solution to our problems. It is necessary that everyone be satisfied, that there are no winners or losers. Reconciliation means to come back together. But this unity is not uniformity." To forgive is not to forget; it is "to lose the feeling of revenge", as we heard in a meeting between Catholics and Presbyterians of the county of Chenalho.

What can be done?

At present, controversy regarding what can be done for the peace in Chiapas seems unavoidable. To work on conflict transformation sometimes is seen as "counter-revolutionary", because while attending to problems at the community level one runs the risk of leaving aside their structural dimensions. "It is like giving an aspirin to a seriously ill person," affirmed one member of a nongovernmental organization in San Cristobal.

Certainly, if we hope for a true, meaningful and long-lasting solution, we cannot set aside the need to transform the roots of the conflicts. There has to be a transformation of the economic, social, political and cultural structures which are responsible for the exclusion, misery, discrimination and injustice that is the everyday reality of indigenous communities.

However, a member of another NGO states: "The number one priority should be to overcome the divisions in the communities. What happens at this level does not necessarily reflect the analysis at a higher level. What's the purpose of a wonderful indigenous law if the communities are divided and because of this are unable to construct autonomy? The government could pass the COCOPA law, but then what?..."

In order to keep hope alive in Chiapas, we have to put things into perspective. Gonzalo Ituarte, former vicar of Justice and Peace of the Diocese of San Cristobal and now the priest for the sensitive municipality of Ocosingo, said in an interview: "What's happening in Chiapas is a low-intensity revolution. The vanguard is behind the society, pushing. It is a very slow process of transformation, and one which we would obviously like to speed up. We can't not have hope."

:: Activities of SIPAZ

December 2001-February 2002

Contacts and information

• Visits to the jungle and northern regions to dialogue with diverse religious and political actors
• Receiving various international delegations to inform them about the current state of affairs in Chiapas, SIPAZ's work and that of the Network for Peace: Dominicans of North America, NISGUA (accompaniment project in Guatemala), Cloudforest, JEM (Jubilee Economics Ministries) and the International Civil Commission for the Observation of Human Rights.
• Visit from Mr. Baur, of the Federal Ministry of German Economic Cooperation.
• Receiving journalists from France to inform them about the conflict in Chiapas.
• Meetings with international groups which are members of the SIPAZ coalition that have projects in Mexico: Global Exchange, Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT), Witness for Peace and Peace Brigades Internationals (PBI).

Inter-religious Dialogue

• Meetings with religious actors from the county of Chenalho and with the Pluralistic Ecumenical Group. Visits to various communities in the region.
• Continuation of the Peacebuilding Exchange Project between religious leaders from Chenalho and the Nicaraguan Peace Commissions.
• Participation in ecumenical prayers for peace in San Cristobal de las Casas.
• Meeting with state government officials in charge of religious affairs.

Education for Peace

• Participation in the Network for Peace, a space for action and reflection that seeks to support processes of reconciliation and peace at the organizational and community level in Chiapas.
• Meeting with various peace education organizations in Chiapas and with members of the German Foundation for International Development.

International

• Participation in the seminar: "Human Rights and the Challenges of the XXI Century" (Santiago de Chile, November, 2001) and in the Second World Social Forum (Porto Alegre, Brazil, Feb. 2002).