:: SUMMARY

The image of a tightly-sealed simmering pot describes Chiapas in recent months. The Mexican Army's grip on the conflict area was tightened in the form of new checkpoints obstructing travel and additional military encampments. Several indigenous communities who have long been settled in the Lacandon Jungle have recently been accused of "ecological infractions" and simply ordered to leave. (They claim that their displacement is actually intended to strengthen a military corridor connecting two important bases.) Security force harassment of perceived Zapatista supporters, including aircraft overflights at very low altitude, constitute a constant pressure on the indigenous communities that exacts a physical and psychological toll.

The military pressure is a principal focus of continuing popular protest activities, which have recently included roadblocks, marches, and a National Consultation on Women's Rights. The other rallying cry of the Zapatistas and indigenous rights supporters is implementation of the San Andres Accords. Signed in 1996, their fulfillment has been stalled by disagreement regarding implementing legislation. Recent comments by federal officials make the prospects for resolution look dim. The EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) was criticized repeatedly for its unwillingness to dialogue. In addition, President Zedillo asserted, "Dialogue with the EZLN will not resolve the problem of Chiapas."

Francisco Labastida, presidential candidate of the ruling PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party), went further: "You cannot have a small group of people substitute for the legislative powers of the country. Laws are not made from the Jungle." The San Andres Accords that the federal government negotiated and signed require legislative reform regarding indigenous rights. In appearing to reject not only the outcome but also the very legitimacy of the previous negotiation process, Labastida cast a dark shadow over peace prospects if he is elected.

The influence of COCOPA (the congressional Commission for Agreement and Pacification) remained checked by partisan splits. The role of another key actor in the conflict, the Roman Catholic Diocese of San Cristobal de las Casas, entered a transition with the naming of Felipe Arizmendi, Bishop of Tapachula (Chiapas), to replace retiring Bishop Samuel Ruiz. Mons. Arizmendi, who is considered a moderate, sounded a conciliatory note, observing, "I am not going to San Cristobal to compete nor to destroy, but rather to complement." Those who feared the possibility of an abrupt change in the pastoral practice of the diocese were relieved. Others pointed out that the influence of the diocese as a protector of the indigenous and supporter of peace efforts would almost surely diminish with the departure of Bishop Ruiz who carried such political weight.

Meanwhile there was an increase in visits to Chiapas by Mexico City-based diplomats, and the remarkable chorus of international criticism of Mexico's human rights record continued unabated. After her February visit to Mexico, Erika Daes, President of the UN Working Group on Indigenous Peoples, called on the government to respect the San Andres Accords. She said that the Mexican Army should suspend its patrols in Guerrero and Chiapas, return to its bases, and focus on external threats. (She also called on guerrilla groups to put down their arms and seek dialogue.) Also in February, UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions Asma Jahangir released a report on her investigation in Mexico last July. She concluded that some of those responsible for well-known massacres have not been prosecuted and that "the incapacity of the judicial system results in an increase in human rights violations." She called upon the government to demilitarize the society and to refrain from using the armed forces for law enforcement activities. Other voices critical of Mexico's human rights record during this period included representatives of the European Parliament, who lamented the role of paramilitary groups in Chiapas, and the US State Department.

Government officials generally dismissed or minimized these criticisms. However in an unusual admission, Minister of Foreign Relations Rosario Green acknowledged during a trip to Europe that Mexico has not been able to end human rights violations nor to solidify a culture of respect for those rights and intolerance of impunity.

Despite the escalating cost for the indigenous communities, the Chiapas conflict has not been a major factor in the presidential race. With the election set for July 2, both PRI candidate Francisco Labastida and PAN (center-right National Action Party) candidate Vicente Fox are running strong campaigns. Among the three leading candidates, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas of the center-left PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) trailed.

The governor's election in Chiapas set for August 20 is being strongly contested by PRI candidate Sami David and Pablo Salazar, a PRI Senator who resigned from the party and has since secured the support of a broad opposition alliance. Salazar, who has been a strong supporter of peace efforts, would appear to be the favorite, but the situation remains unpredictable. This is both because of the history of fraud in Chiapas elections as well as because of the obstacles a new governor would have to face when it comes time to actually implement change.

The recent deportation of veteran election observer Ted Lewis, despite having observer credentials from the Federal Electoral Institute, raised the specter that the Mexican government is expanding its campaign against human rights observation to target observers of its election process as well. Lewis, Mexico Program Director of US-based Global Exchange, was deported despite his accreditation by the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) to conduct observation activities related to the current election campaign.

Mexico continues to aggressively pursue international trade agreements. In mid-February Mexico and the European Union approved a free trade treaty. It was subsequently ratified by the European Parliament and the Mexican Senate. However its implementation was impeded by a failure to achieve approval in the Italian Parliament.

Negotiations on free trade agreements proceeded with Japan and Israel. As in the case of the European agreement, opposition political forces as well as social organizations complained that they were being left out of the discussions and their concerns were not being heard.

Recommended Actions:

1. Urge the Zedillo administration:
   • to implement the recent recommendations of UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions, Asma Jahangir, including: "Ensure the demilitarization of society and avoid deputizing the armed forces to maintain law and order or to eradicate crime...End the impunity enjoyed by certain privileged categories and classes of people..."
   • to respect the internationally recognized function of election observation and the autonomy of the IFE (Federal Electoral Institute) in approving election observation applications by granting a visa to experienced election monitor Ted Lewis.
2. Circulate information, such as this Report, on the situation in Chiapas.

:: UPDATE

Chiapas: military belligerence, diplomatic stonewall

New Bishop

On March 31, 2000, Felipe Arizmendi, Bishop of Tapachula (Chiapas), was named to succeed Mons. Samuel Ruiz, as bishop of the Diocese of San Cristobal de las Casas. In one of his first statements, Bishop Arizmendi stated, "I am not going to San Cristobal to compete or to destroy, but to complement".

Representatives of the diocese expressed their contentment with the new appointment and Bishop Samuel Ruiz himself asked all pastoral agents and the Catholics of the diocese to "continue their accompaniment and support of the diocese's path" when Mons. Arizmendi becomes the pastor effective May 1.

Military Movements

During the past three months there have been frequent reports from the communities about the military presence, low-level overflights, the number of military camps and road-blocks, as well as harassment by military personnel around various indigenous communities opposed to the government. Moreover, people have stated that the Army has established a network of indigenous PRI supporters to infiltrate and spy on communities in order to photograph and harass EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) sympathizers.

On March 17, hundreds of indigenous people who in 1994 settled in the Montes Azules Reserve in the Lacandon Jungle were given a deadline to leave the area before being forcibly removed. Authorities accused them of "ecological infractions."

On April 3, several dozen agents of the Federal Preventive Police (Policia Federal Preventiva) arrived at the ejido Candelario (Ocosingo). They accused the settlers of "ecological damage" and threatened to evict them if they did not abandon voluntarily the settlements in the Lacandon Jungle that they have occupied since the 1970s. In the inhabitants' view, they are being forced to move because they represent an obstacle to the construction of the military corridor connecting San Quintin and Guadalupe Tepeyac, two of the most important military bases in the region.

Meanwhile, many instances of civil resistance have been seen among Zapatista supporters, including road blockades, marches (including International Women's Day with 15,000 men and women participants), and other activities such as the National Consultation on Women's Rights. The latter took place in 50 counties in Chiapas in the context of International Woman's Day, with more than 85,000 participants. The principal demands continue to be dismantling of the military camps; ending the military check-points; withdrawal of the Mexican Army from the region; and fulfillment of the terms of the San Andres Accords.

San Andres Accords

Four years after the signing of the San Andres Accords, Secretary General of the Mexican Bishops Conference Abelardo Alvarado observed that the situation in Chiapas is worrisome, given that there is no new mediation body. He added that the Church cannot be the mediator, as it would suffer the same harassment as Mons. Samuel Ruiz when he was President of the National Mediation Commission (CONAI).

During a recent trip to Chiapas, President Zedillo asserted that he has complied with the San Andres Accords. During his visit in March, Francisco Labastida, the presidential candidate of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), erased any possibility of negotiating with the EZLN any changes to Zedillo's legislative initiative regarding the San Andres Accords. He stated, "You cannot have a small group of people substitute for the legislative powers of the country. Laws are not made from the Jungle."

Carlos Payan and Gilberto Lopez y Rivas, PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) members of the congressional Commission for Agreement and Pacification (COCOPA), stated that the federal government's non-fulfillment of the San Andres Accords four years after they were signed makes the agreement "virtually null and void." They added that the situation of the indigenous people has worsened and the possibilities of resuming negotiations with the EZLN are increasingly difficult.

Given the opposition of PRD and PAN (National Action Party) senators, President Zedillo's legislative proposal on indigenous rights will not be passed before his term ends in December. According to the opposition, the proposal is not consistent with the San Andres Accords.

Paralysis of COCOPA

The long-standing lethargy of COCOPA has worsened in recent months. PRI members of the congressional commission have vetoed new initiatives, including a proposed visit to Chiapas to investigate reports of increased militarization. In addition, the PRI members voted as a group to cancel the planned International Conference on Peace Negotiators in Armed Conflicts, which had been promoted by PRD Senator Carlos Payan. While criticizing PRI members on the Commission, Payan insisted that if COCOPA were to serve "only to preserve the cease-fire in Chiapas, this would be a very important reason to keep it going in the next legislature."

Official Statements

In the third week of February, the government's Coordinator for Dialogue , Emilio Rabasa, said that the Chiapas conflict will not be able to be resolved during this presidential term because the EZLN is determined to prolong the conflict. He added that the intransigence of the Zapatistas is testing the patience of civil society.

At the end of March, Rabasa asserted that the EZLN uprising served only to make "evident at the national and international level, the dramatic misery and marginalization in which many indigenous communities in Chiapas live," but it did not help resolve the problem. On the contrary, the prolongation of the armed conflict has exacerbated the deprivation, especially in the areas in which the Zapatistas are based. President Zedillo, during his 31st visit to Chiapas, described the situation in Chiapas as "a culture of violence from which, unfortunately, some communities still suffer".

International Response

During her visit to Mexico in the first week of February, Erika Daes, President of the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Peoples asked the Mexican government to respect the terms of the San Andres Accords. She said that the Mexican Army should suspend its patrols in Guerrero and Chiapas and return to its bases and that those responsible for the massacres in those states should be punished. She called for guerrilla groups to lay down their arms and "make a peaceful effort for dialogue with the government." She added that the United Nations could participate as a mediator in the conflict if the government and EZLN so requested.

A week later, her colleague Asma Jahangir, the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions, presented a report to the United Nations on her trip to Mexico in July 1999. The report mentioned that the federal and local governments, the army, paramilitary groups, and armed opposition groups "execute innocent persons throughout the country, but mainly in Chiapas and Guerrero." The report observed that with respect to the massacres in the mentioned states, "not all those responsible (materially or intellectually) have been captured" and that furthermore "the incapacity of the judicial system results in an increase in human rights violations." The report recommended that the Mexican government "continue the reform process that it has begun," but at the same time "ensure the demilitarization of society and avoid deputizing the armed forces to maintain law and order or to eradicate crime."

The Attorney General of the Republic, Jorge Madrazo, argued that the report was done "without proof or objectivity." The Minister of Foreign Relations said that the Rapporteur exceeded her mandate by analyzing in her report the role of the Federal Army. She went on to describe the report as lacking in balance and objectivity.

On March 23 while in Portugal on a European tour, Foreign Minister Rosario Green recognized that Mexico "regrettably" has not been capable of ending violations of human rights, nor of cementing "in a solid manner" the foundation of a culture of respect for those guarantees and of combating impunity.

In its annual report presented at end of February, the US State Department observed that the Mexican government "has generally respected much of its citizens' human rights." However, "serious problems" continue to persist, such as police corruption, arbitrary arrests, judicial ineffectiveness and corruption, discrimination against indigenous communities, and threats against promotion of human rights to mention a few.

During a visit to Chiapas on April 2, Antonio Seguro, president of the European Parliament Commission for Relations with Central America and Mexico, indicated his willingness to mediate in the Chiapas conflict. Even though Chiapas Governor Roberto Albores assured him that he had no knowledge of the existence of paramilitary groups in Chiapas, Seguro stated, "It seems to us that if the rule of law is to be restored in Chiapas, there needs to be a struggle against the paramilitary groups since they represent an obstacle to the return of displaced people back to their homes."

International Jurisdiction

At the end of February, the coordinator of the Mexican diplomatic mission to the Organization of American States announced in Washington that Mexico will not attend the meeting of the Inter-American Human Rights Commission (IAHRC) in March. The coordinator indicated that he feared being "put on trial" at the meeting. The government was invited by a group of Mexican non-governmental organizations (NGOs). At a hearing on March 2, these national NGOs presented a report on the human rights situation in Mexico.

A few days later, eight international organizations (among them Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch) reported that they are pursuing their complaint before IAHRC that the Mexican government is refusing to comply with the recommendations previously directed to them by IAHRC.

Mexico and International Trade

In the middle of February, the foreign affairs ministers of the European Union unanimously passed the Free Trade Agreement with Mexico. A month later, the European Parliament gave its approval of the trade agreement. In the third week of March, the Mexican Senate approved the Free Trade Agreement. The final obstacle now is the Italian Parliament which did not achieve a consensus to ratify the agreement. Until the Italian Parliament ratifies it, the treaty cannot go into effect.

Meanwhile, the Minister of Commerce and Industrial Promotion, Herminio Blanco, made a trip to Japan to pursue the signing of a trade agreement with that Asiatic country. At the same time, the process of approving a similar agreement with Israel continues to move forward. Although the leaders of the two countries already signed the treaty, the Mexican Senate still has not ratified it. As in the case of the ratification of the trade agreement with the European Union, the opposition and various social organizations complained that they have been left out of the negotiations that led to the treaty.

New expulsion

The recent deportation of experienced electoral observer Ted Lewis by immigration authorities has raised the specter that the Mexican government is expanding its campaign against human rights observation to target observers of its election process as well. Lewis, Mexico Program Director of US-based Global Exchange, was deported despite having obtained accreditation from the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) to undertake observation activities related to the current electoral campaign. An advisor to IFE, Jaime Cardenas, expressed his concern that the Interior Ministry, acting through immigration authorities, is putting obstacles in the path of foreign observers.

Building Bridges: High Profile International Visits to Chiapas

In recent months, a great number of international representatives have arrived in Chiapas: experts from the United Nations; the ambassadors of Germany, England and Japan; European parliamentarians; US Congresspeople; etc. Many have wanted to expand their agenda to include other types of contacts than those planned by the state and federal governments. Several of them have asked SIPAZ to share our analysis with them and to help them with the planning of their schedule, especially contacts with non-governmental representatives and visits to indigenous communities. As the German Ambassador Wolf Ruthart Born and the First Secretary from the US Embassy, Brian Nichols, observed, it's about knowing all points of view - official, business, religious, as well as that of indigenous and mestizo (mixed race) civil society - in order to better understand the context and the Chiapas conflict and thus better inform their governments.Local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have interpreted the increase in high-profile visits in large part as a consequence of the Mexican government's loss of credibility with international authorities.

They also indicate that beyond a deep concern for the human rights situation, there may be a more pragmatic interest in investment conditions in the region, since Chiapas is an attractive state in that regard. Nevertheless they still consider this influx as a valuable opportunity to give another version of events. Another factor that, according to the Mexican NGOs, has influenced these visits is the increasingly clear and more strategic pressure of their counterparts - solidarity groups and churches in other countries- on their own governments.

In the framework of the ratification of the Free Trade Agreement with the European Union and the existence of a clause regarding democracy and human rights as an integral part of this treaty, the non-governmental organizations see a particular opportunity to lobby the embassies of the countries that make up the European Union.Indigenous communities that have had the opportunity to interact with the official representatives also value their willingness to speak with them. "The Bees" who received the German Ambassador in February and the English Ambassador in March, commented to SIPAZ: "The government has limited us, blocking our way. But because of those who invite us or come to visit, the road is opened. Our heart is strengthened, knowing that our word is spreading around the world."Similarly, last February Gautier Mignot, First Secretary of the French Embassy, came to Chiapas to award a Special Mention to the Coordinator of Indigenous Social Organizations Xi'Nich. This award from France recognizes the work of various organizations and people around the world for their defense and promotion of human rights. In the award ceremony, the leaders of Xi'Nich gave thanks for the presence of Mignot and for France's recognition of their work, in contrast to the governmental persecution and harassment to which the organization has been subject during its eight years of existence. As to how the diplomats perceive their role, the German Ambassador stated: "I am here to encourage relations between our two countries. Chiapas is not an obstacle to that friendship with Mexico. It is a question of indigenous and human rights, and we have to talk about it with much respect." He hopes that, thanks to this respect, the touchiness of the Mexican government in respect to international observation might be reduced. "It's a learning process on both sides," he added.Because of their eagerness to speak with all sides, these actors may create bridges between the reality of Chiapas and that of their countries, as well contribute to dialogue in Mexico.

:: ENFOQUE

Chiapas: Scene of a religious conflict?

Religious ill-feeling, exacerbated following the 1994 Zapatista uprising, has often been presented as the background to the conflict lacerating Chiapas: more than 30,000 Evangelicals expelled, more than 30 Catholic churches shut down, several foreign priests deported, open or latent conflict in divided communities, etc. However, others insist that such a reading of the situation is ‘artificial’ and may be used to cover up particular economic and political interests.

Certainly, a Manichaean explanation of 'good vs. bad' does not take into account the complexity of the reality of Chiapas. Neither can broad generalizations be made within the religious sphere. To take the most common stereotypes, not all Catholics agree with the San Cristobal diocese, much less with the Zapatistas, and not all Evangelicals are supporters of the PRI (the ruling party), much less of the paramilitaries. With that in mind, we can take a look at the myths that exist regarding the religious situation and highlight those factors that are contributing to reconciliation at a wider level.

A little history

The Catholic Church has been predominant in Mexico and throughout Latin America since the Spanish colonization. Mexico's constitution of 1824 states, "...the apostolic and Roman Catholic religion is considered the only and sufficient religion in all of Mexico, without tolerance for any other." This changed after independence once the liberals were in power (1857 Reform Law, that ordered the Church to sell all its property) and with the Mexican Revolution (1910 - 1920; implementation of anti-clerical laws). In spite of this, Catholicism has been and continues to be an important component of Mexican identity. (Around 75 - 80% of the population today consider themselves to be Catholic).

Protestantism reached Mexico in 1872, but it wasn't until the Cincinnati Missionary Conference in 1914 that Latin America was divided and Protestant or Evangelical denominations were assigned specific regions for the purpose of evangelization. Southeast Mexico remained under the jurisdiction of the Presbyterian Church of the North (USA) which later conceded it to the Reformed Church of the USA. Contacts were also made by Presbyterian missionaries from Guatemala. The second half of the 20th century was characterized by the arrival of Pentecostals with a more participatory liturgical model. Other denominations had also arrived: Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc..

In Chiapas, the Evangelical population has grown at a rate that has no comparison in other Mexican states. According to the Diocese of San Cristobal, in 1960 Evangelicals made up 4.2% of the state. Today they are 23%. Of the rest, 57% are Roman Catholics and 20% traditionalist Catholics (1) or atheists. Some Evangelical groups contend they make up 40% of the population.

Why the number of Evangelicals in Chiapas has risen

Some explain the rise in the number of Evangelicals by the practical limitations of the pastoral work of the Catholic Church. The number of priests has made it very difficult to meet the needs of the thousands of communities in the dioceses of Chiapas (that include San Cristobal de las Casas, Tuxtla Gutierrez, and Tapachula). Oscar Salinas, Pastoral Vicar of the Diocese of San Cristobal, emphasizes: "The Catholic Church abandoned the indigenous communities for 100 years. With the reform laws of 1857...practically all the missions were shut down."

The arrival of foreign missionaries from the Reformed Church of the USA at the beginning of the last century is seen as another factor because it led to the formation of indigenous pastors who followed in their steps. Some mention the particular style of the Evangelical churches, distinct from the Catholic Church, as a reason for the growth of new churches. According to Esdras Alonso, pastor and president of Eagle Vision 2000, healings that occur during worship services contribute to conversions. Also the prohibition of the consumption of alcohol helps (by decreasing social and family problems derived from the excess consumption of alcohol).

Among the more critical voices, there are those who argue that between 1970 and 1980 the Evangelical churches were supported from the US as part of a counter-insurgency strategy against the spread across Latin America of liberation theology, which was seen as "communist." (Cf. Santa Fe documents from the Reagan era that laid out a blueprint along those lines.) In Chiapas this strategy coincided with a pronounced change in the diocesan pastoral work.

The Preferential Option for the Poor in the Diocese of San Cristobal

In 1960, Bishop Samuel Ruiz arrived in Chiapas with the goal of "educating" the indigenous population. He was convinced that all that was needed to make them happy was to give them shoes and teach them Spanish. However, the encounter with Chiapas' indigenous people, the Second Vatican Council, and later the Second Conference of Latin American Bishops in Medellin (1968) would profoundly transform him.

In 1962 the diocese began a program of training the indigenous, in the process decentralizing pastoral activity and placing it more in the indigenous communities. From this time the seeds were sown for a new understanding of the Bible: Indian theology (2). Today the diocese has the largest number of indigenous deacons in the world (around 400) and around 8000 catechists (there were 700 in the sixties).

The option for the poor has generated dissent within the diocese since rural indigenous communities have been given priority over the traditional practice of attending primarily to the towns (the locale of economic and political power). In San Cristobal, for example, there is an upper middle class group of citizens called "auténticos coletos" (3) who have criticized Samuel Ruiz on various occasions, even to the point of physically attacking the cathedral.

Initial tensions between Evangelicals and Catholics

Between 1934 and 1940 missionaries from the Summer Institute of Linguistics - an Evangelical initiative dedicated to translating the Bible into different languages - began work in Chiapas. According to some sociologists and anthropologists, from 1960 onwards this presence contributed to tensions with indigenous traditionalist Catholics. Referring to their evangelization practice, Samuel Ruiz explains: "The aggression against the worship of images [of the saints] disarticulates the organization of the indigenous community that is held together, along with its religious and civic authorities, by its religious festivities; and the millennial preaching announcing the imminent end of the world increases the oppressive fears of the indigenous."

Bishop Ruiz recognized that, "Feeling invaded and under threat, the Catholic communities reacted violently, demolishing Evangelical places of worship, preventing the construction of others, and expelling the converts."

Expulsions: are they religiously motivated?

The majority of cases of expulsion have happened as a result of conflicts between traditionalist Catholics and Evangelicals. The first expulsions happened towards the end of 1970 in San Juan Chamula. They included that of the Catholic priest because the traditionalists refused to accept the direction of the diocese. In succeeding years, more than 30,000 indigenous who had converted to different Evangelical churches were expelled. The current mayor of Chamula claims that, "Evangelical religion goes against the tradition of the Chamula people." This affirmation alludes to the fact that members are not allowed to participate in traditional fiestas since they do not buy candles, posh (4), soft drinks, etc. This threatens the power of the local political caciques (5) that often are also store owners.

In the same area, the National Action Party (PAN) gained four seats on the County Council in the last local elections, but they have not been allowed to take office. In Chamula, no one is permitted to go against the "traditions," this being understood to mean being a member of the PRI and a traditionalist Catholic at the same time. "In San Juan Chamula, you are born a member of the PRI," insists the current mayor. Even if Chamula is an extreme example, economic and political interests appear in many situations of "religious intolerance."

The political manipulation of the expulsions also stands out. Several Evangelical families recently displaced from Plan de Ayala (County of Las Margaritas) went back to their community in the presence of representatives of the state government from whom they received compensation and offers of economic help to reconstruct their houses. Nevertheless, the Evangelical leaders themselves, such as Pastor Esdras Alonso, criticize the government for not upholding laws that allow for freedom of religious worship and that prohibit the expulsions. On the other hand, in the case of the northern region where the government signed agreements for the return of several displaced families (mainly Catholics from an opposition organization), promises of compensation have still not been met after five years and some have not even been allowed to return to their homes.

Religious ill-feeling and the Zapatista uprising

Given its preferential option for the poor, the Diocese of San Cristobal and in particular its bishop, Samuel Ruiz (recently retired), have been accused by various Mexican sectors (government, business, auténticos coletos, some Evangelical groups, etc.) of using liberation theology to promote violence.

It is certainly the case that some catechists, leaders in their communities, did join ranks with the Zapatistas. The diocese was very clear about its position: "We understand the subjective situation of many of our brothers who have opted for what we consider to be the wrong path. This cry of anguish of those who commit their lives to the struggle for better conditions deserves all of our understanding....As a diocese, we state that violence obstructs the path to true solutions, and from this rejection of violence we want to accompany the people." (January 1994). There are also catechists who support the Zapatistas' demands and identify themselves as civilian "Zapatista supporters".

Different Evangelical leaders have told us that at the beginning of 1994 they approached the Zapatista command in the hope that they could help to resolve the problem of the expulsions. Some Evangelicals even joined the struggle. However many felt excluded from the process of mediation led by Samuel Ruiz (president of CONAI/National Mediation Commission, 1995-98) given that there was no Evangelical representation in CONAI.

Repeated Zapatista references to the "bad government" could have bothered Evangelical groups who generally respect the authorities, basing themselves on the Bible (Romans 13 - 1,2): "Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation."

Some Evangelical groups have also expressed doubts about the San Andres Accords on Indigenous Rights and Culture, since they fear that respect for traditional "uses and customs" could be a pretext for religious intolerance. It is certainly the case that abuses have been made in the use of the term (in San Juan Chamula, for example).

Divisions, Rumours and Politicization

The religious panorama is certainly more complex than a simple dichotomy between Catholics and Evangelicals. In the northern region there are independent Catholic communities who do not accept priests from the San Cristobal diocese and who have asked the bishop of Tabasco to send them "priests who are not from Chiapas and who are not involved in politics." On the other hand the parish priest of Tila (northern region), Heriberto Cruz, says that in the last five years, 24 Catholic churches were closed by the organization Development Peace and Justice (see glossary). In the community of El Limar, the Catholics of that organization celebrate their services in the church that they took over, while those of the diocese meet in the house of a catechist. In communities that are divided for political reasons it is common to have two Catholic services.

In this context, rumours can also be a powerful weapon. The most representative example is that of the Acteal massacre where 45 indigenous people were killed. This was also the subject of religious interpretation as it was initially claimed that the victims were Evangelicals. Later, the national and international press tried to generalize that the perpetrators were Evangelicals. Although it is the case that the victims were Catholics there is no certainty over the beliefs of those responsible. A deeper analysis shows that the causes of the massacre have much more to do with political and economic issues.

Hopes for the future

There are hopeful signs of dialogue, reconciliation and ecumenical work that go back even before the Zapatista uprising. Clearly it is no easy task, starting with the different interpretations of the terms "ecumenism" and "Christian". John Sinclair, a Presbyterian pastor from the US, defines ecumenism as "a common commitment to finding Christian unity." Nevertheless, many Evangelicals in Chiapas consider that the word "ecumenism" comes from the Catholic church and they do not want to associate themselves with it. Evangelicals use the word "Christians" in reference to themselves but not always including Catholics.

It is easier to find common denominators among the churches by focusing more on the needs of the people than on theological-pastoral discourse. For example, in 1992 the Diocese of San Cristobal began a program of support for those expelled from Chamula. A nun asked Bishop Ruiz, "How am I supposed to start this work when I am a Catholic and they are Evangelicals?" "You just have to love them," he replied. Soon two other programs joined: Syjac (meaning in Tztozil "serving our people") and Habitat for Humanity. Together they built more than 250 houses for the expelled and 2000 for the Evangelicals who returned to Chamula. On more than one occasion the Evangelicals have defended Samuel Ruiz (for example from attacks by auténticos coletos).

The organization ORIACH (Organization of Indigenous Representatives of Chiapas) is another example of ecumenical work where indigenous Adventists, Presbyterians, Pentecostals and Catholics joined together to fight for the same needs: return to their land and internal democratization of indigenous communities.

The project to translate the Bible into the Tzotzil indigenous language brought the Presbyterians and Catholics of Chenalho together around a common need. The project took more than 10 years (it was completed in 1998). Two Presbyterian pastors and two Catholic catechists worked together full time.

In December 1997 another project was set up with the aim of responding at a more grassroots level. Known as the Bible School of Holistic Formation, it is an ecumenical school that offers courses to students of different Christian denominations in response to their common needs: health, human rights, conflict resolution, etc. (See SIPAZ Report, August 1998, Vol. 3, No.3).

Religion, Resource for Peace

Rather than a source of conflict, religion can bring people closer together. Ecumenical work and reconciliation are possible, as the missionary of the Reformed Church, Rene Sterk, says, once people are willing to receive and recognize the "other" as their brother in Christ and to break with the stereotype of the supposed enemy, especially among indigenous people of the same community. In order to achieve reconciliation, each one will have to assume his or her responsibility and to commit first to truth, justice and peace.

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(1) The diocese itself talks of "Indian theology" (teología india) rather than "liberation theology." Liberation theology is a reading of the Bible from the perspective of the oppressed and it uses tools of social science to analyse reality. It was developed in Latin America in the sixties. According to the document of the Third Synod of the Diocese of San Cristobal, Indian theology is defined as a "theology that attempts to recognize the presence and action of God ... that is manifest in the life, word and wisdom of our ancestors among the various cultures." (Return)

(2) Residents of San Cristobal de las Casas that consider themselves direct descendants of the Spanish crown. "Coleto", literally braid or pig-tail, refers to the braided hairstyle favored by their Spanish ancestors.(Return)

(3) Traditionalist Catholics (also known as costumbristas or those who follow traditional customs) use elements of Catholicism in a syncretistic manner in their Mayan cosmology; generally they do not recognize the authority of the Roman Catholic Church. (Return)

(4) An alcoholic drink. (Return)

(5) Traditional leaders of indigenous communities. (Return)

:: ANALYSIS

Chiapas relegated to the inside pages

To glance through local as well as national newspapers could give the impression that the inconclusive chapter on the Zapatista uprising of 1994 has been closed. Most of the headlines are taken up with the next presidential elections (July 2) and the Chiapas gubernatorial elections (August 20), various political scandals which must be linked to the elections in order to fully understand them, and the increased violence linked to the drug trade.

If indeed the subject of Chiapas appears in the platform of all the candidates, it is diluted within other policy issues such as the struggle against poverty, trade policy, and national security. Moreover, despite the needs and problems that face the country due to its historical backwardness in terms of social justice, in many cases the electoral battle does not appear to be focused on underlying issues but rather on personal attacks.

For their part, members of the current government have continued to minimize the situation in Chiapas without recognizing their possible responsibility for it. They are deaf to the public support many indigenous and other civil society groups continue to express for the EZLN, speaking contemptuously about the possibility or advantage of a dialogue with the Zapatistas. To illustrate this, one can mention the recent comments by President Zedillo ("Dialogue with the EZLN will not resolve the problem of Chiapas") or by governmental Coordinator for Dialogue in Chiapas Emilio Rabasa ("If there is no dialogue, in the end it would all be just an incident") or by the PRI's presidential candidate Francisco Labastida ("Laws are not made from the Jungle"). Such comments do not help to promote a possible rapprochement or to legitimate the government's oft self-proclaimed desire to renew the peace process. Most significantly, the comments of candidate Labastida indicate that he does not intend to raise the San Andres Accords to the level of constitutional reform, as the Accords themselves require. In the meantime, the current government claims to have already complied with them.

Recently the most commonly heard official position refers to the conflict in Chiapas as a problem of economic development. In this regard, there is no recognition of the responsibility of the PRI governments of the last decades for this historic lack of development.

In the current context, the EZLN has not yet positioned itself with respect to the upcoming elections. The risk of excluding itself completely from this process would be to limit its political margin for negotiation. And depending on the results, it could result in being seen and treated the same as other armed groups. If that were to occur, the EZLN could see its profile and the political platform that it achieved in the San Andres Accords reduced, and it could move closer to violence as the last resort to make itself heard.

Another period of instability for the peace process will be in August, when, with the new Congress, the Commission for Agreement and Pacification (COCOPA) will be reconstituted. Meanwhile, the Commission - made up of deputies and senators from all parties currently in the Congress - remains stymied by the rule of consensus. Felipe Vicencio (PAN deputy and member of the Commission) went so far as to speak of a "situation of 'brain death.'" Increasingly in the last few months, decisions have been made based on party interests.

Meanwhile, the prolonged stagnation of the peace process continues to have dramatic consequences at a local and community level. It should be emphasized that although there may not be a war in Chiapas in the traditional sense of the term, the presence of two armed forces persists (although different in size and ways of operating), and federal troops continue to surround the conflict zone.

An unknown in the ecclesiastic sphere was cleared up with the naming of Monsignor Felipe Arizmendi, considered a moderate, as the new bishop of the Diocese of San Cristobal de las Casas. Some pessimists fear that this appointment leaves a void that could entail risks and have possible political-military consequences. They warn that without fanfare, the change of bishop could lower the profile of the diocese in political arenas such as the peace process between the federal government and the EZLN. To the extent that outgoing bishop Samuel Ruiz is a great defender of the indigenous peoples, his exit opens the possibility that the government, faced with a lower-profile diocese, will try to implement a more violent strategy against the indigenous communities and the EZLN.

For their part, from their faith and obedience to the church hierarchy, the Catholic rank-and-file expressed their readiness to accompany the new bishop on the road he will travel at their side. Many of them trust the strength and depth of the pastoral work carried out by Samuel Ruiz, in the structure of the diocese as well as in the indigenous communities. Nevertheless, nothing is yet known about what will happen with the current vicars and other key positions in the diocese's structure.

At the international level, the last year has been characterized by an increase in commercial accords between Mexico and various countries. The treaty with the European Union remains the most controversial, especially with the refusal of the Italian Parliament to ratify it. This could impede the treaty's going into effect as scheduled on July 1.

Antonio Seguro, president of the European Parliament for Relations with Central America and Mexico, offered to mediate the Chiapas conflict if invited by the Mexican government. There are now several international figures who have offered to mediate, but, given its frequent assertions regarding "national sovereignty" and its repeated denial in international arenas of the existence of a conflict in Chiapas, it is doubtful that the current Mexican government would accept.

Representatives of the United Nations, international organizations (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, etc.), and foreign governments (U.S. Department of State) observe that in Mexico there are serious violations of human rights and many problems in the judicial system (corruption, lack of independence, impunity, etc.). Nevertheless, the Mexican government continues to use national sovereignty to defend itself, even denying the criticisms coming from the highest levels. To accept the criticisms could mean weakening the PRI during an electoral process in which the possibilities of losing the presidency have never been as real as they are today.

At this point, the polls show a close race between Fox (the PAN candidate) and Labastida (PRI) while the Cardenas (PRD) campaign has not totally taken off. The polls indicate that any of the three leading candidates could accede to the presidency, but there appears to be no chance for the candidates from the smaller parties.

In regard to the Chiapas conflict, the three leading candidates raise the theme tangentially. Perhaps the PAN candidate has offered the most unequivocal proposals: withdraw the Army, direct dialogue between the President and the EZLN and compliance with the San Andres Accords. However, in view of the emphasis on economic issues of the Fox campaign, neither the intent nor the realism of his proposals to resolve the Chiapas conflict are clear.

At the state level, Albores, the current governor, does not seem to want to cede space to the PRI candidate Sami David in his campaign for the August elections. Meanwhile, Pablo Salazar, ex-member of the PRI and gubernatorial candidate for the opposition alliance, appears to be the favorite. More and more social organizations of different political colors are joining his campaign. However, both at the state and federal levels, the situation remains uncertain because of the history of fraud and the difficulty winning candidates may face when it comes time to implement programs presented in their campaigns.

:: Activities of The SIPAZ team in Chiapas

March-April 2000

Among team activities during March-April 2000:

CONTACTS AND VISITS

• Visit to the northern region (communities in the counties of Tila and Sabanilla) to speak with peasants, displaced persons, returned refugees, representatives of various churches and social organizations, leaders of Development Peace and Justice, and local authorities.
• Visit to the northern region (Jolnixtie y Libertad) as part of an investigation on the condition of children in the context of low intensity warfare.
• Visit to the Margaritas region to speak with displaced Evangelicals.
• Visits to communities in the highlands to speak with religious contacts.
• Organization and accompaniment of an ecumenical delegation from the US and Mexico.
• Several visits to the Cerro Hueco prison to interview Evangelical prisoners.
• Visit to Nicaragua by two team members to study the work of the Peace Commissions there.
• Accompaniment of the British ambassador on a visit to indigenous communities in the highlands.

INFORMATION

• Convening, organization, and facilitation of a meeting of organizations working with children in Chiapas in connection with an investigation on this subject.
• Several interviews with persons and organizations that work with children.
• Collaboration on a case study as part of the international project "Reflecting on Peace Practice" conducted by the Collaborative for Development Action (US) and the Peace and Life Institute (Sweden).

EDUCATION

• Convening and organization of workshops on managing trauma, led by Mary Litell of Capacitar (US) for the SIPAZ team and other NGOs.
• Facilitation of workshops with educators on conflict transformation at the Casa de la Ciencia.
• Training of one team member in conflict transformation through the Mennonite Peace and Justice Network (Central America.)