:: SUMMARY

Amid continuing tension and violence, 3000 representatives of Mexican civil society gathered in Chiapas in November to discuss ways to revive the stalled peace process. It was the first meeting between the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) and Mexican civil society in two years. The primary result was a plan for a national consultation, scheduled for March 21, 1999. It will poll the Mexican people on their support for indigenous rights and specifically their support for the COCOPA (the congressional Commission for Agreement and Pacification) legislative proposal to implement the San Andres Accords. The Accords were signed by the Mexican government and the EZLN in February 1996. Subsequently the EZLN accepted the COCOPA legislative proposal, but the government rejected it. The EZLN has insisted that implementation of the San Andres Accords is a necessary condition for reinitiating talks.

While the civil society meeting was underway, EZLN leaders met twice with COCOPA, which is charged with assisting dialogue efforts involving the EZLN and the Zedillo administration. While the meetings were useful in re-establishing direct EZLN-COCOPA contact after nearly two years, they did not produce progress toward renewed negotiations.

Four weeks later, 7000 people gathered in Acteal on December 22 to mark the first anniversary of the massacre of 21 women, 15 children and 9 men by a paramilitary group. At the same time, the federal Office of the Attorney
General (PGR) released a "White Book on Acteal." It faulted local authorities for not dealing adequately with what it suggested was a local dispute. It cited the EZLN as an indirect cause of the massacre, but it paid little attention to a more obvious direct cause: the existence of paramilitary groups such as the one responsible for the killings. The report suggested that one of the triggers was "the absence of institutions of the justice system," despite the fact that state police stood by in Acteal for several hours as the massacre unfolded. The report documented the ongoing criminal prosecution of approximately 100 persons in connection with the case. Yet in seeming contradiction with the message such prosecutions send, paramilitary groups continue to operate with impunity in many parts of Chiapas.

The existence of such groups was the subject of an amnesty proposal sent to the Chiapas Congress by governor Roberto Albores Guillen. Its stated intention is to disarm "civilian groups," and it is limited to amnesty for weapons charges. However it was criticized by business leaders and a paramilitary group for failing to include the EZLN (which is covered under the Law of Dialogue), while opposition parties and human rights groups suggested that it might actually reinforce the impunity and anonymity of paramilitary groups.

In the meantime, these groups continue to operate in many areas of Chiapas, the security forces continue to harass Zapatista supporters, communities are divided, and between 15,000 and 20,000 people remain displaced from their homes. Five years after the Zapatista uprising, poverty levels remain high, indices of violence and social conflict are up, and there are few prospects for imminent progress in the stalled peace process. Mexican immigration officials have renewed harassment of foreigners who travel to Chiapas. In January, two persons were expelled and forbidden to return for two years. They were visiting Chiapas with the U.S. organization Global Exchange, which observed, "Our educational activities have not received such strong and aggressive reactions by authorities in any other country in the world."

In an unprecedented action, 50 dissident military officers marched in Mexico City in December to protest the military justice system. They also criticized as unconstitutional the expansion of the Army's role into activities such as police work. It is unclear what degree of support they might have within the armed forces. Nonetheless, the public venting of internal dissent breaks with military tradition and inevitably raises questions about the military's future role in Mexico.

The Mexican government faces a complex of difficult problems: a deteriorated economy, reduced income due to a drop in oil prices, consequent cuts in social programs, a bank bail-out controversy, major drug trafficking, and both armed insurgencies and paramilitary groups. With the 2000 presidential elections looming on the horizon, another element of pressure is added. It does more to hinder than to help efforts to resolve social problems. In this context, Chiapas is but one in a list of pressing challenges.

Several international human rights groups, including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Inter-American Human Rights Commission of the Organization of American States (OAS), issued reports that included strong criticism of the Mexican government's human rights policy. However, it is important to mention the resolution of the Mexican Senate that recognized the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Human Rights Court of the OAS in cases involving violations of individual rights.

In Chiapas, a just and lasting peace remains a distant hope. The national consultation scheduled for March is an attempt to mobilize civil society and pressure the government in order to break the current impasse. Meanwhile the possibility of constituting a new national mediation body for the peace process in Chiapas is being explored in civil society circles.
While it is difficult to be optimistic about these prospects in the near term, it is also certain that the Zapatistas and the much broader movement for indigenous rights in Mexico show no sign of fading away.

Acciones recomendadas

1. Urge the Zedillo administration to:
   • disarm the paramilitary groups that operate in Chiapas;
   • respect the right of Mexican citizens to carry out the national consultation on the COCOPA legislative proposal on Indigenous Rights and Culture on March 21 and take seriously the results;
   • recognize and respect the efforts of human rights workers and international observers whose work offers substantial support to the peace process;
   • order a substantial reduction of the Army presence in the conflict areas in Chiapas as an authentic and concrete sign of its will to dialogue.
2. For citizens of the European Union: petition the members of your respective governments and parliaments to ensure the careful execution of the "democracy clause" that is part of the trade agreement between the European Union and Mexico.
3. Urge COCOPA to strengthen its efforts to maintain unity behind its proposals and actions and to continue its work of assisting the peace process, placing the interests of peace above partisan politics.
4. Circulate information, such as this Report, on the situation in Chiapas.

Please write:

Lic. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León
Presidente de la República
Palacio Nacional
06067 México, DF - México
Fax: (int-52 5) 271 1764 / 515 4783

Francisco Labastida Ochoa
Secretario de Gobernación
Bucareli 99, 1o. piso
06699 México, DF - México
Fax: (int-52 5) 546 5350 / 5 546 7380

Comisión de Concordia y Pacificación
Paseo de la Reforma # 10, piso 17
México, DF - México
Fax: (int-52 5) 535 27 26

:: UPDATE

CHIAPAS: One step forward… One step backward

At the first meeting between the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) and civil society in more than two years, 29 EZLN leaders met with 3000 representatives of Mexican civil society in San Cristobal de Las Casas from November 20 to 22 of last year. The meeting was seen by many people as a potentially significant step in breaking the impasse between the EZLN and the federal government. The EZLN and representatives of civil society discussed the viability and format of a national consultation on the COCOPA (Commission for Agreement and Pacification) proposal on indigenous rights and culture. This legislative proposal involves constitutional changes which would reflect what was agreed to in the San Andres Accords, signed by the Mexican government and the EZLN in February 1996. In December of that same year, the EZLN accepted the COCOPA's legislative proposal, but the government rejected it, thus creating the stalemate in the dialogue. The implementation of the San Andres Accords is one of the EZLN's five conditions for reinitiating dialogue.

During the meeting, the Zapatista delegation, among whom were Commanders Tacho, David, and Zebedeo and Major Moises, met twice with COCOPA in order to discuss a possible renewal of the dialogue between the EZLN and the government. At these meetings, the EZLN reiterated its conditions for reinitiating dialogue, and it called on COCOPA to support the national consultation. In January COCOPA decided not to support the Zapatista consultation, because "it cannot be allied with one of the parties."

On the first of January, for the fifth anniversary of the Zapatista uprising, the EZLN released a communiqué in which it called civil society "to peaceful mobilization, to the struggle for human rights..., to the demand for spaces of democratic participation..." In addition, it asserted that "1998 was the year of the government war against the indigenous communities of Mexico." The government's coordinator for peace talks, Emilio Rabasa Gamboa, appraised the five years of Zapatismo as "a failure, because the living conditions of the indigenous communities have not improved."

One Year After the Acteal Massacre

Two thousand Zapatista civilian supporters were among the more than 7,000 persons gathered for the first anniversary of the Acteal massacre of December 22, 1997, in which 21 women, 15 children and 9 men were assassinated by alleged paramilitaries.

Days before the commemoration, the federal Office of the Attorney General (PGR) released its "White Book on Acteal." One of this book's conclusions is that, "The crime of Acteal was possible given the surprising absence of a peaceful resolution of conflicts, the lack of understanding by local officials responsible for the administration of justice, and the lack of conciliation among the different political interests of the communities and the state." It also concludes that, "The Acteal massacre is an indirect consequence of an armed group (the EZLN)" and that one of the triggers was "the absence of institutions of the justice system." These latter conclusions were strongly criticized by human rights organizations and the Diocese of San Cristobal. The Vicar of Justice and Peace of the diocese, Gonzalo Ituarte, noted that security forces were present just hundreds of meters from the massacre. He added that, "It is incredible that the PGR's investigation goes into indirect causes [the existence of the EZLN], but not into the direct ones [the existence of paramilitary groups]." PRI Senator Pablo Salazar Mendiguchia, a COCOPA member, thought that the document was unsatisfactory for everyone, since it had not thoroughly investigated the organization and training of the paramilitaries. Another senator, Carlos Payan, observed, "It's a second-rate report that does not take into account the low intensity war which exists in Chiapas."

According to the PGR's report, those detained include 84 civilians (for direct involvement in the killings), eleven former policemen (for carrying firearms restricted to the exclusive use of the army), the former mayor of Chenalho, and one military person. In addition, seven former public servants have been charged with abuse of authority and/or crimes committed during the administration of justice. There are still 32 outstanding arrest warrants. In January, a former Public Security official and a former Public Ministry agent were apprehended, accused of having allowed civilian groups to arm themselves in the area.
In the community of Union Progreso, county of El Bosque, tensions increased in mid-December. Residents were accused of having carried out an ambush with high-caliber weapons during which a child was killed. In response to the rumor of an impending police and paramilitary action against them, Zapatista civilian supporters in Union Progreso fled to the mountains, where they remained for one week. They returned a few days before Christmas, and a 'civilian peace camp' was set up in the community with national and international observers. Five indigenous persons died in Union Progreso during a police-military action in June of last year.

Amnesty Proposal for Armed Civilian Groups

While indigenous communities, such as Union Progreso, Acteal and Polho continued to denounce the presence of, and harassment by, alleged paramilitary groups, Roberto Albores Guillen sent the State Congress a proposal for a law for 'Amnesty for the Disarmament of Civilian Groups in the State of Chiapas.' This initiative would provide amnesty for armed groups, establishing terms for exemption from charges limited to crimes of possession, carrying, and storing firearms and explosive substances. The proposal explicitly excludes EZLN militants, due to their being covered under the Law for Dialogue. Because of that, representatives of various organizations, such as the paramilitary group 'Peace and Justice' and the National Chamber of Commerce, called for the disarmament law to include the EZLN. On the other hand, according to comments by some representatives of opposition parties and human rights organizations, the governor's proposal could be an attempt to prevent the investigation and punishment of attacks and murders committed by paramilitary groups.

The governor explicitly denied the existence of paramilitary groups, explaining that the term implies that the Army was organizing and training the armed groups. According to him, this has not been proven. He also said that any group that says that paramilitary groups exist will be called to account before the federal Office of the Attorney General (PGR) and required to prove the existence of those ties.

Dissidence in the Federal Army

In December, some 50 military officers who are currently facing a variety of charges marched in Mexico City. They were members of the Patriotic Command for the Conscientization of the People (CPCP), who demonstrated their disagreement with the army system. They asked for, among other things, the dissolution of military courts so that military personnel would be judged in the same manner as any other Mexican citizen, and not by a special body. The dissidents also protested the fact that the army has engaged in "activities that do not correspond to it, such as police, legal matters and patrols to keep watch over the civilian population, which are unconstitutional." During the march, which was headed by Lieutenant Colonel Hildegardo Bacilio Gomez, one of the slogans shouted was: "The authorities should govern obeying," (a concept used by the Zapatistas).

Meanwhile, the Attorney General for Military Justice said that Bacilio Gomez has been under investigation for the crimes of insubordination and disobedience since 1997 and has been out on bail. They announced the initiation of legal charges against him for desertion and for not complying with the terms of his conditional release. In January, five members of the CPCP were arrested. Bacilio Gomez left the country in order to avoid being apprehended.

Special Elections Without Incident

Tensions grew in the conflict area as a consequence of the October 4 elections, and there were takeovers, without serious incident, of the government offices in several counties, such as Altamirano. In other places, such as Nicolas Ruiz and Venustiano Carranza, some killings related to the elections were reported. In Las Margaritas and Oxchuc, the opposition was able to negotiate with the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) Mayor-Elect in order to form a multi-party county council, and thus avoid problems. At the end of December, the PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) accepted, in negotiations with the state government, the creation of Vigilance Councils in fifteen counties. Their role will be to keep an eye on the proper management of resources and the exercise of power. These multi-party councils will participate in the council meetings without voice or vote, and they will have access to information regarding administration and budget.

At the close of this addition, the political situation in the county of Ocosingo, the largest in Chiapas, remained uncertain. The October elections resulted in a victory for the PRI, with widespread abstention and fraud. These results generated strong criticism from opposition parties, who complained that the new council was not representative. In response, in mid-December these parties and some social organizations met and elected their own 'sovereign county council.' They once again asked for the formation of a plural county council with equitable representation by the PRI and opposition parties, as they had been able to negotiate following the 1995 local elections.

The special elections of December 6 passed without problems or incidents in the nine counties and four districts where they had not been previously held, due to the floods in September and the political conflict in San Juan Chamula. With an abstention rate of 70%, the PRI won six mayoralties, the PRD won in two counties and the PAN (National Action Party) in one. The four state congress seats were won by the PRI.

International Criticism

At the international level, criticisms of the Mexican government continue concerning human rights violations. Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Inter-American Human Rights Commission of the Organization of American States (OAS) were blunt in their reports on Mexico. Pierre Sane, director of Amnesty International, said that human rights violations in Mexico are becoming more and more serious, and the government does not have a real commitment to protecting human rights. During his visit to Chiapas, and after meeting with several NGOs (including SIPAZ), British Vice-Minister for Foreign Relations, Tony Lloyd, commented that the Mexican government is aware that the framework of the commercial treaty between Mexico and the European Union requires respect for human rights within the participating nations.

Human Rights Watch stated in its 1998 report: "On the defensive, after the massacre [in Acteal], the federal government did not react by curbing the PRI supporters who are willing to employ violence; rather it acted aggressively against EZLN supporters and international observers in Chiapas."

One positive change in Mexican policy was the approval by the Senate of recognition of the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Human Rights Court of the OAS in all cases involving violations of individual rights. However, the Senate action excluded the cases of foreigners who are expelled under Article 33 of the Constitution.

Meanwhile, Mexican officials continue harassing foreigners who travel to Chiapas. Seven foreigners received citations when they traveled to the commemoration of the Acteal massacre on December 22. On the first of January, immigration officials cited three members of a delegation from the United States organization, Global Exchange, who had visited the Zapatista community of Oventic. Global Exchange commented: "Our educational activities have not received such strong and aggressive reactions by authorities in any other country in the world."

Regarding the criticisms directed at the Mexican government by international bodies, the president of the government's National Human Rights Commission, Mireille Roccati, observed that the government "cannot think that every denunciation is fictitious and something for getting attention; instead it must pay attention to each case." She added that the government should pursue each case in order to correct the entire process which produced that human rights violation.

National Consultation

“For the Recognition of the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples and For an End to the War of Extermination"

The consultation will be held on March 21, 1999 in all 32 states of Mexico and in those places abroad where there are Mexicans. All Mexican men and women over the age of 12 can participate. The consultation will take place through balloting, or through practices and customs in indigenous communities that so decide. It consists of four questions to be answered with a 'yes,' 'no' or 'I don't know':

1. Do you agree that the indigenous peoples, in all their strength and richness, should be included in the national project and take an active part in the building of the new Mexico?
2. Do you agree that indigenous rights should be recognized in the Mexican Constitution in accordance with the San Andres Accords and the corresponding proposal by the Commission for Agreement and Pacification of the Congress of the Union?
3. Do you agree that we should achieve true peace through the path of dialogue, demilitarizing the country with the return of the soldiers to their barracks, as established by the Constitution and the laws?
4. Do you agree that the people should organize themselves and demand that the government "govern obeying" in all aspects of national life?

:: FEATURE

The Workshops of SIPAZ: Learning to Unlearn in Order to Build a Culture of Peace…

"It is on the horizon.
I take two steps closer, it takes two steps back.
No matter how far I walk,
I will never reach it.
Of what use is utopia?
Precisely for that: in order to walk."
(Fernando Birri)

The high degree of conflict that has built up in the state of Chiapas and the increasingly violent means of resolving differences have led SIPAZ to create spaces for reflection in order to help the participants confront differences in a distinct manner: the transformation of conflicts and active nonviolence.

The state of war that prevails in the state has caused hundreds of deaths and injuries over the last few years, as well as thousands of displaced (at least 15,000 at the current moment). In the highlands, the northern region and the jungle, there is a climate of intolerance and violence that threatens the most basic human rights.

Peace talks between the EZLN and the federal government provided a mechanism for displacing some of the tensions in the communities into a context where they could be dealt with constructively. However with peace talks frozen, local conflicts, some of which have existed for decades without notable violence, now must bear the full weight of the larger conflict with all of its local, national and international dimensions.

It is not SIPAZ' role to resolve these secondary conflicts. Nonetheless, given their explosive potential, SIPAZ has tried to support local actors who have the greatest capacity for disentangling them efficiently. In its Statement of Purpose, SIPAZ clearly recognizes that the "negotiation, mediation and initiative that are necessary in order to achieve an eventual solution to the conflict" must depend on Mexican society. It emphasizes that SIPAZ "seeks to play a facilitative role, enhancing the context in which Mexicans are working to solve largely Mexican problems."

A key element in our efforts to do that has been our peacebuilding workshops. These reflection spaces support the search for peaceful solutions, both among the primary actors in the Chiapas conflict and at the community level, and contribute to the movement of Chiapas' society towards a new culture of peace.

In addition, we believe it is necessary to put imagination in motion. We think that with everyone's participation, new methods of struggle and of responding to the complex dimensions of the conflict can be found, without giving up one's own objectives and without paying such high and regrettable costs. A member of SERPAJ (Peace and Justice Service), who co-facilitated a workshop, stressed: "We often use the same methods (marches, sit-ins, denunciations, etc.). We lack creativity. We also have a tendency to react, not to take the initiative. We have to act, not just react; we need to take the lead."

A wider range of workshops...

SIPAZ began offering workshops in 1996 on civil resistance, fear management, active nonviolence, etc. In 1998, they were held at least monthly. Attendance generally ranged from 15 to 40 persons. Participants included members of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local churches, with new people continuing to join. In 1998, the central theme of the series was "Peaceful Transformation of Conflicts." Our starting point was personal reflection (self-esteem), after which we covered other issues having to do with interpersonal and group dynamics (individual styles, communication, etc.).

ubsequently we tackled elements which help us to confront conflicts (management of fear in violent situations, for example). We ended the series with some tools for analyzing conflict situations and for identifying strategies for peace.
Our workshop series is sustained by a reflection which begins from within, a daily challenge that invites our creative internal response. "I am moving away from the idea that being nonviolent is being indifferent. Quite the opposite: rather it means being courageous about life, being passionate. At the end of the day, I realized all the work I have to do. There are many forms of violence which still occur in me," commented a workshop participant.

Lina Maria Obando of Justapaz (Colombia) insisted during a workshop she was co-leading, "We shouldn't imagine the violent actors as being 'external.' We ourselves reproduce the violence (competitiveness with fellow employees, for example), or we tolerate it (when well-being is a concept that should encompass everyone)."

This year, we are going to go more into depth on the subject of nonviolence. Each "stage" will have as its objective helping participants to deepen their knowledge of the theme and to make up a kind of "toolbox" that they can use every day in order to put that knowledge into practice.

At the same time, we will be opening a space for reflection on the theme "Conflict Analysis and Strategies for Peace" for the purpose of reinforcing the capabilities of local actors. The methodology can change, depending on the focus (by area or kinds of actors, for example).

At one of the workshops, a participant from a local NGO commented: "Up until now, I hadn't thought much about nonviolence. I hadn't imagined that we could find so many words to define it. In the work groups, we realized that civil society is not clear about which way to move forward. It lacks consistency. We need more reflection and analysis."

Religious tension is one manifestation of the violence and mistrust that divide many communities in Chiapas: expulsions of religious groups that are in the minority in their communities, the closing of churches, illegal detentions, and even murders. As this problem has grown, SIPAZ has sought to strengthen the role of religious actors in the search for peace and reconciliation.

Since August 1997, SIPAZ has helped facilitate several workshops on conflict resolution and human relations in the ecumenical Bible School of Holistic Formation (BSHF). The participants - primarily teachers, pastors, catechists and health workers - experience living, studying, sharing with persons from different churches. Subsequently they are better able to encourage their communities to enhance the conditions that permit dialogue, tolerance and mutual respect. In addition to the BSHF courses, we have offered similar workshops to evangelical youths, and we are planning a workshop series this year with coordinators of Catholic youth groups and with a congregation of Catholic religious sisters.

Lastly, following up on the Gandhi exhibition (see "An Encounter with Gandhi," in this issue), we are beginning to support training in places of formal education. We hope to offer workshops and talks in primary and secondary schools and universities on values that are important for the creation of a culture of peace, such as respect, tolerance, reconciliation, and nonviolence.

A constant learning process...

Currently, three members of the SIPAZ team are responsible for presenting these workshops. We also rely on the support of other persons who belong to Mexican and international organizations (especially SERPAJ and the Mennonite Central Committee). We belong to the Mennonite Mesoamerican Network (Mexico and Central America), which organizes workshops three times a year on Conflict Transformation. We also participate in the Convergence of Civil Organizations for Democracy gatherings which bring together groups from all over Mexico to share information and experience. The very nature of the SIPAZ coalition (many of the member organizations have years of experience in other conflict areas) is another rich resource.

We use a participatory methodology in our workshops, including group dynamics exercises such as consciousness-raising techniques, analysis, communication techniques, socio-dramas, etc. This allows the participants to play a key role in the workshops. In this way, we build on their own experience and enable them to return to their work and to apply what they have learned.

A member of the Diocese of San Cristobal assessed the value of such experiences: "It's like we're pushing a car up a hill, but we probably should be putting stones behind the wheels so it doesn't roll back down. We have a lot of experiences, but we never think about systematizing and sharing them."

In one of the workshops participants were asked to depict "What is a conflict for me?" One of the participants sketched two persons who were unable to speak with each other. In our culture and education, we are taught to discredit and to compete more than to work together. In this sense, the workshops are to a certain extent an opportunity to "unlearn" together ways of thinking and behaving that do not encourage interdependence and mutual support.

Another participant depicted conflict by drawing a rock. He explained to us later that he had chosen this symbol because, "It is hard, it can strike a blow and injure. I can try to throw it far away from me, but it continues to exist. It is a source of discomfort, like a rock in my shoe. But it is also a burden, one's responsibility. And also, drops of love can cause it to erode."

First achievements...

We believe that our efforts in the workshops represent another "little drop" in the long process of wearing down the rocks. They contribute in some measure to the search for nonviolent solutions to the conflicts in Chiapas. A participant from a human rights organization commented: "This workshop helped me to reflect and to realize that it is possible to transform violent situations into nonviolent situations. Everything isn't black or gray. It's like yin and yang. Next to the shadow is the light. There are lights of hope." A doctor added, "This workshop has awakened my hope. Nonviolence IS something that can be attained. When we were doing the small group work on the manifestations of violence in Chiapas, we realized that there are groups here that have demonstrated how to respond with concrete nonviolent actions."

We seek to have an impact that is both social and personal (the process of change begins when one takes responsibility for one's own state of mind, one's feelings and actions). A Catholic priest shared with us: "It has helped me very much to have this space for reflection where I can truly get a breath of fresh air, get feedback, affirm my own identity. It's like a well to drink from (...) In addition, you are offering us a space in which to continue to cultivate a practice of reconciliation and mediation. It helps us to have all those elements in a systematized way. It helps me in my service of accompaniment in conflicts between pastoral agents or in divided communities."

Another achievement is the formation of a heterogeneous support group. Nonviolence is a process that leads us to become aware of and to challenge the violence and injustice of social structures. It strengthens us to have a space where we can share with others who, in the same sense, are seeking to transform their own violence and that which exists around them.

And still a long way to go...

Because we have not been able to respond to all the increasing requests for workshops, we have sought other ways to broaden the participation of organizations that can serve as "multipliers" in their areas of influence. Some of the participants are already reproducing the contents of our workshops in other places and with other people. Such is the case with a peace education group that has begun this challenging work with community and regional officials and health workers in the so-called conflict zone. Approximately 80 persons from 28 communities are attending those workshops. They, in turn, have committed themselves to reproduce the workshops in their individual communities.

Members of this group reported: "We recognize that the communities, traditionally, have their own ways of resolving problems, with officials and catechists taking the role of mediators. Nonetheless, given the current climate, we can confirm that internal or inter-community conflicts have intensified and sharpened. That is why we see the need to create reflection spaces, so that officials and human rights promoters can identify and reaffirm values such as cooperation, understanding, solidarity, communication and equality. We also saw the importance of reflecting on the procedures for conflict resolution themselves, as well as learning about other resources that can complement and make resolution more effective and avoid the outbreak of violence."

In working directly with the indigenous communities of Mexico, cultural aspects - such as language - make the work difficult. We find that we must translate all the contents and adapt the techniques. Our experience in this field (with indigenous women in Yajalon, for example) brings us to the same conclusions as CEPAZ (Peace Education Collective): "The indigenous way of thinking is more holistic and concrete, making it more difficult to work on a problem in a partial or abstract manner. We find it necessary to work more through exercises focused on real problems in the communities."

Another challenge is that even when the workshops are open, there are still many sectors that are not represented. We believe that their word is not only important, but necessary, in order to build the culture of respect and tolerance for all ways of living, believing and thinking. Current strategies for broadening participation include working through the Bible School of Holistic Formation and offering workshops in the schools and universities.

By giving local activists analytical and practical tools for dealing with conflict, SIPAZ contributes to expanding the space in which dialogue is possible and to raising expectations regarding the potential for nonviolent conflict resolution. Success in resolving or reducing conflict at the local level translates into lives saved and more secure communities. It also contributes directly to the prospects of the larger peace process.

An Encounter With Gandhi: A Call to the Imagination

In October 1998, SIPAZ organized an exhibition in San Cristobal de Las Casas on the life and thought of Gandhi, social and political activist who led India to independence in 1947 through peaceful means (see also SIPAZ Report, Vol. 3 - No. 4). The exhibition, entitled "Encounters with Truth," commemorated the 50th anniversary of his death and included an exhibition of photographs and text. Along with the exhibition, SIPAZ organized various cultural and reflection activities, including meditations, theater, video, music and poetry. Various organizations and universities sponsored the events, and we had some 70 volunteers helping in the organization.

Attendance at the majority of events averaged 1-200 local residents of all ages. Special care was taken to invite a variety of social sectors, such as women, students and indigenous persons. In the weeks preceding, and during, the exhibition, presentations were made in several schools and universities, in order to sensitize the students concerning Gandhi's life and nonviolent struggle. More than 800 primary children participated in some thirty guided visits, as did displaced persons from 'Las Abejas' (the Bees; the pacifist group that was the target of the Acteal massacre.)

During the exhibition, one of the events which captured attention was the series of conferences designed to look at Gandhian philosophy in relation to the situation in Chiapas. One of the participants, Gustavo Esteva, commented on this: "Given the current conditions in Chiapas, in Mexico, in the world, nothing is more relevant than to relate the figure of Gandhi to Zapatismo and to the indigenous struggle, with this extraordinary man, the most notable of the 20th century, whom some even consider to be the philosopher of the 21st century."

According to Esteva, it is important to reflect on 'the Gandhian option', because, "The nonviolence that Gandhi promoted is a political manner of organizing life. Neither Gandhi nor the Zapatistas know what the form of this society is. They do not know how it will be realized in a concrete way, what the institutions will be, the structures which will allow this form of social existence, that has never existed on the planet. Because, if it is true, as Gandhi said, that 'nonviolence is as old as the hills', it is also true that that form of organization of social life has never existed anywhere. And, because of this, if it is about incarnate values, if it is about not thinking of a distant future and of a certain utopia in order to live it afterwards, then it is about continuing to make advances in these ideals today, giving concrete forms to social organization that are rooted in nonviolence."

Given the stalemate in the peace process, it is relevant and valuable to open the imagination to new forms of nonviolent struggle. Another participant, Rafael Landerreche (Peace and Justice Service - Tabasco) said, in this regard: "My interpretation is that those who say there are no longer any paths to peace, what they have really exhausted is hope. Those who say that the path in Mexico today is through arms are not saying that because they have made a rational analysis, but rather they are speaking from the loss of hope in the path to peace, and they are taking the other road as a simple venting of their lack of hope - let me stress - not as a real proposal which is viable. In this regard, I would say that it is common sense, but it also fits within this proposal of nonviolence that tells us that it is not wise to do battle with the weapons in which the enemy is expert, that it is not wise to let the enemy choose the terrain in which one can fight (...) They do not have the weapons of truth, of moral authority, of popular support, so then we can respond that the weapons with which the struggle must be fought are these."

In order to follow up on the interest which this exceptional event evoked, SIPAZ is offering opportunities for reflection to members of non-governmental organizations, religious groups from different churches, schools, etc.

This series of conferences and this exhibition provide us with a respite in these difficult times, and a light and guide which remind us of the "Where and How to Work," if we want to see that things change "for the common good and for always.
(Margarita)

Thank you, thank you very much, for bringing us this great inspiration in the form of this exhibit on Gandhi.
(Ronald)

I am very moved and feel profoundly grateful to the persons who made possible the sharing of this philosophy with us here in San Cristobal.
(Gabriela)

:: ANALYSIS

CHIAPAS: Light and shadow in the internacional scene

Throughout Mexico one hears analysis and speculation that 1999 will be a year of greater difficulties and setbacks in both economic development and politics, including fading prospects in the search for peace in Chiapas. There are many signs that paint gray and even black colors on the horizon for the short and medium term.

It is true that at the beginning of the year, the Interior Minister, Francisco Labastida Ochoa, asserted that, "In 1999 there will not be irresolvable problems." However, it is not likely that the federal government will be able to provide real solutions this year to serious problems such as the increasingly deteriorated domestic economy, the survival of the 40 million Mexicans who live in poverty, the conflict in Chiapas, the reduction in social spending, problems in the banking sector, drug trafficking, social insecurity, or the existence of armed groups.

This growing torrent of issues demanding attention portends a level of conflict that neither the government nor the opposition parties are prepared to confront, particularly since the presidential elections in 2000 constitute a looming dike. The incapacity of the current government to attend to these matters in recent years has generated growing discontent among the citizens.

Even in the Army one can hear dissident voices, such as the Patriotic Command, which broke the tradition of only addressing military issues internally. The demands of this group go beyond democratization and restructuring of the legislation that governs the armed forces. The level of actual support for this group within the Army is still not clear. What impact, if any, their actions may have on the role of the armed forces in the political decisions of the country is a matter of great interest.

It should be noted that over the last five years, the Mexican government has invested large sums in the purchase of modern military equipment as well as in special equipment for riot control. At the same time, the military has increased considerably its training in counterinsurgency and psychological warfare. For example, hundreds of military officials have been sent to the notorious School of the Americas in the United States. The continual military mobilizations, not only in communities with Zapatista influence but also in other states such as Guerrero and Oaxaca, constitute other counter-indications to any clearing of the skies that might indicate a reduction of tensions or an advance toward peace.

The response of the government to criticisms of its capacity and will to resolve the problems mentioned above seems to remain at the level of talk and to follow systematically the same pattern: minimize and criminalize. This is true as much in the case of the Zapatista movement ('the problem of Chiapas is only in four counties') as in the case of the military dissidents, who are dismissed as a few isolated delinquents.

In Chiapas, another point of concern is the proliferation of "armed civilian groups," primarily affiliated with the PRI. The recent public discussion regarding whether such groups are or are not paramilitary (as they are classified by the Zapatistas and by human rights organizations) distracts attention from the heart of the matter: the lack of an adequate official response to put an end to such groups, whatever they are called. In this regard, it is unclear how the amnesty and disarmament law proposed by the Chiapas state government would contribute to shedding light on the functioning of these groups and their responsibility for political violence in recent years. To the contrary, the amnesty may actually guarantee their impunity and anonymity.

In this dark panorama, the national consultation called by the Zapatistas for March may be a tool to help break the logjam in the peace talks. This consultation not only offers an invitation to Mexican society to vote on the incorporation into the Constitution of the COCOPA's legislative proposal that resulted from the San Andres Accords. It also seeks to generate a massive mobilization of civil society. The Zapatista hope is that such a mobilization may contribute to the renewal of peace talks through a series of steps that include the implementation of the San Andres Accords, the formation of a mediation body recognized by both sides, and the fulfillment of the other conditions that the EZLN has set for rejoining negotiations.
Meanwhile the public positions of the parties in conflict have continued to polarize. Each one uses the same information to blame the adversary. For example, they accuse each other of blocking the dialogue, of not having real political will to negotiate, and of responsibility for the Acteal massacre.

In this latter regard, a year after its occurrence few advances are evident in the case either in the administration of justice or in assuring the necessary conditions for the return of the thousands of displaced or in the disbanding of the armed civilian groups and the arrest of their members. The "White Book on Acteal" of the federal Attorney General offered conclusions that are similar to his observations of a year ago shortly after the massacre. The credibility of the government's report is undermined by its failure to acknowledge official involvement in supporting paramilitary groups such as the one responsible for the Acteal massacre and by the fact that those groups continue to operate with impunity.

In recent months the federal government has pressed for a direct dialogue with the EZLN. The EZLN has strongly rejected this proposal in the absence of fulfillment of the conditions it set two years ago. At the same time, the government has indicated an openness to the possibility of mediation, but only if it is national. Meanwhile, sectors of Mexican society, responding to the call of the Zapatistas and also on their own initiative, are pushing for a strengthening of civil society so that within it a group of Mexicans might be formed that would respond to this urgent task.

Fortunately, the active concern of the international community for the achievement of a just and lasting peace in Chiapas will certainly continue to bring a constructive message to a Mexican government highly sensitive to its international image. This was evident in January at the annual meeting of Mexican ambassadors in Mexico City. During discussions, administration officials placed particular emphasis on their efforts to achieve peace in Chiapas.

:: TEAM ACTIVITIES

November 1998 - January 1999

Team Activities included the following:

Información

• Visits to the counties of Motozintla and Siltepec (both of them in the disaster area caused by the heavy rains in September), Nicolas Ruiz, Ocosingo, Comitan, Las Margaritas (to investigate the post-election situation), and Venustiano Carranza (to investigate the conditions of the displaced).
• A visit of several days to Union Progreso (county of El Bosque) after the return of the displaced shortly before Christmas.
• Attendance as observers in the meeting between the EZLN and civil societyNovember 20-22.
• One team member spent a week in a peace camp in Acteal (county of Chenalho.)
• Attended the first anniversary commemoration of the Acteal massacre.
• Produced a special report: "Acteal: One year later."

Contactos y visitas

• Organized the program for a Witness for Peace delegation. Meetings included representatives of evangelical churches, the Catholic church, and private enterprise. The delegation also visited Acteal and Polho.
• Meeting with the International Committee for the Peace Council.
• Meeting with Tony Lloyd, Vice Minister of Foreign Relations of Great Britain.
• Meeting with the International Red Cross in Chiapas.
• Two team members did separate speaking tours in the U.S., visiting 19`cities in eight states.

Educación

• Facilitated workshops on "Managing Fear," "Active Nonviolence," and Analysis of Conflicts" for members of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and churches.
• Facilitated workshops on "Conflict Resolution" for specific groups: an NGO, the staff of a preparatory school, and a congregation of Catholicreligious sisters.
• Undertook a reflection process on "Church and Society" with representatives of evangelical churches in the Tapachula area.
• Participated in a workshop on mental health facilitated by Doctors for the World.