:: ANALYSIS

Mexico: Of the influenza and other problems

In the last few months, while Mexico was not the center of international attention for the violence linked to organized crime, it was at the forefront because of the AH1N1 influenza epidemic, due to being the first country to alert of the existence of this virus and to have the most cases of it at that moment. Once the immediate health emergency had been dealt with, even though the virus is growing to date, it exposed three major issues.

On one hand, it has been estimated that the economic impact of the epidemic could reach at least 1% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In addition to the effects on the tourism industry (one of the primary sources of income in the country), the restrictions imposed in order to contain the epidemic affected an economy, which even before the emergency, had the worst unemployment rate since the collapse of 1995. The economic situation could even become more critical because of the reduction in migration to the US, a phenomenon that has served as an ‘escape valve’ in the past. This reduction is not as much due to the increase in US immigration enforcement, but due to the lack of work opportunities in the US, which was the root of the work economic crisis. The media coverage of the war on drugs and of the epidemic has overshadowed the fact that 40% of the Mexican population still lives in poverty. On the other hand, the emergency showed the risks involved in industrial growth of livestock, dominated by transnational corporations, and the structural flaws in the Mexican healthcare system.

Photo: Scene from Mexico City in times of epidemia
© Noé Pineda Arredondo

Elections in the midst of institutional discredit

It is noteworthy that so many Mexicans have come to doubt the existence of the AH1N1 virus. This skepticism is caused by a large measure of lack of faith in the Mexican institutions. In April, the Secretary of Government released the results of the 4^th National Survey on Cultural Politics and Citizen Practices, which revealed that only half of Mexicans consider that they live in a democratic system, and a similar percentage believe that the government would rather impose than consult.

LA JORNADA: Putting together a ballot box on a calmer Sunday than expected
© José Antonio López

This rift between the people and their representatives is being reflected in various aspects, one of which is electoral. On July 5, the elections for more than 1,500 public figures nationwide were held. The abstention rate reached 55.19% and the null vote was 5.4%. The null vote had generated a significant movement leading up to the election.

Taking into account the low participation, the results show a marked change compared with the last ten years. After almost 12 years of having lost the Chamber of Representatives, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, the party which maintained power for more than 70 years until 2000) was the clear winner of the election. Of a total of 500 seats, it won 237 representatives. Also on July 5, the PRI won five of the six governorships in dispute.

The National Action Party (PAN, in power now) only received 9,549,000 votes for the Congressional elections (12.3%), which many consider the result of a punishment vote against the government of Felipe Calderón. It is important to remember that in the middle of the controversy of electoral fraud, it was assumed that the PAN had won the presidential elections of 2006 by around 14 million votes. Its federal representatives will decrease from 206 to 143, the same thing will happen to the leftist parties, which is seen as a result of the divisions and internal conflicts. Of the 126 representatives before the elections, they will be reduced to 90 (71 for the Democratic Revolution Party, PRD; 13 for the Workers Party and 6 for the Convergence Party).

Militarization: a solution that does not solve the issue

In spite of the critical economic situation aggravated by the influenza epidemic and the electoral results, there is no doubt that the war on drug trafficking continues to be the main priority of the federal government. Following a small reduction in the number of killings, the violence seems to have picked up in the last few months.

Photo: © Human Rights Watch

Looking at the larger picture, at the end of June, the World Bank released the Governance Indicators, which measures on a scale of 1 to 100 the political stability and lack of violence. Mexico received 24.4 points in 2008, 27 in 2007, and 45 in 2004. In the Rule of Law category (indicating the competence of the government in carrying out and respecting the laws), Mexico received a score of 29.7 in 2008, as opposed to 36.2 the year before, and 42.4 in 2004.

During the health crisis brought on by the influenza, the Congress approved orders dealing with the law of National Security proposed by the President. In April, the Federal Government proposed a group of four reform initiatives on matters of national security, military justice, arms dealing, and organized crime.

It is important to remember that Article 129 of the constitution states, “in peacetime, no military authority can exercise other functions than those directly related to military discipline.” Paradoxically, with the objective of containing “the expansion of organized crime” and “completely” guaranteeing national security, an exception was proposed under which in the case of something that “affects the security of the nation,” the civil authorities could become subordinate to the army. Among the possibilities in which this situation could occur is the case of “uprisings.”

Since the beginning of Calderon’s term, the Armed Forces have become more and more involved in public security tasks. So it seems that the proposed reforms seek to legalize and normalize these types of practices. The concerns expressed by analysts and human rights organizations have to do with the fact that these reforms could involve the suspension of basic guarantees like freedom of expression, freedom of association, free movement, and the right to due process of law. According to the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH), during Calderon’s term they have registered more than 1,600 complaints against the Army for crimes like extrajudicial execution, torture, sexual assault, arbitrary detention, and excessive use of force and firearms.

The Military tribunal: a priority for Human Rights organizations

In the last few months, in media outlets on both a national and international level, human rights violations committed by members of the Army have been constantly denounced. They have noted that the levels of these violations in the war on drugs are as high as they were during the dirty war.

At the end of March, in Washington DC, as part of the 134^th session of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), a hearing was held on the issue of military justice and human rights. Civil Mexican organizations presented the cases that they have been working on, especially during Calderon’s term. These show that the Mexican State is not complying with international human rights standards. At the end of the hearing, the Inter-American Human Rights Commission (IACHR) released a communiqué which expressed “its concern because a number of countries in the region continue using military justice to investigate and judge common crimes committed by members of the Armed Forces or of the police. The IACHR reiterates that military jurisdiction is exceptional and should only be used for crimes pertaining to its function.”

Last April, Human Rights Watch released a report titled “Uniform Impunity: Mexico's Misuse of Military Justice to Prosecute Abuses in Counter narcotics and Public Security Operations.” In this report, it pointed out the fact that the military tribunal system actually protects those responsible for human rights violations.
Six of the eight recommendations of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) (see SIPAZ Report Vol. 14 no. 1, April 2009) of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which were rejected by the Mexican Government, dealt with the necessity of limited military justice.

On July 7, Mexico was forced to appear before the Inter-American Human Rights Court (IAHRC) in the case of the forced disappearance of Rosendo Radilla Pacheco, who was last seen in the old military base of Atoyac de Álvarez, Guerrero in 1974 (a case of forced disappearance from the Dirty War).

On July 8, the First Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice agreed to begin full discussion on the issue of an appeal of military justice. The case in question is the killing of civilian Zenón Medina by members of the Army, which took place in March of 2008 at a military roadblock in Sinaloa and was judged by a military tribunal. The Secretary of National Defense (Sedena) rejected the call for an appeal because it regarded the event as a case of lack of discipline by soldiers in the line of duty.

In the face of international pressure, and although the federal government continues defending the military tribunals, Calderón informed the UN that the military tribunals presently are involved in six preliminary investigations and that in three cases, 32 investigators were deployed, in addition that in nine rulings, 14 military members were condemned.

In spite of concerns, the US increased aid to the Mexican Military

Presidents Barack Obama and Felipe Calderón - © Reuters

In the last few months, many high level US officials visited Mexico, including the first official visit of President Barack Obama in April. They did not make any significant announcements regarding issues, which had generated major expectations (business, migration, or security).

Possibly in part because of the US media coverage which presented Mexico as a ‘failed state’; in the middle of June, the US legislature approved a Supplemental Military Spending Bill, which included 420 million dollars for Mexico. This amount represented a significant increase from Obama’s proposal, which had originally been for 66 million dollars. In fact, it replaced and exceeded the funds cut from the first two years of the Mérida Initiative.

Another area of collaboration between the US and Mexico was the participation of the Mexican Navy in the International Anti-Submarine Forces (UNITAS), coordinated by the US Fourth Fleet which was reactivated almost a year ago. Experts consider that the US Fourth Fleet, responsible for Latin America and the Caribbean, along with the Northern Command forms part of a strategic military re-orientation towards Latin America. This process could increase following the military coup, which took place in Honduras on June 27, an event whose geopolitical implications for the region remain to be seen.

Presidents Barack Obama and Felipe Calderón - © Reuters

From social movements to armed groups: a gloomy panorama

At the end of March, with low expectations following the ruling on the case of Atenco (see SIPAZ Report, April 2009), the full Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN) received the preliminary report regarding human rights violations committed in Oaxaca, from May of 2006 to July of 2007. Although once again they established the existence of “grave violations of individual rights,” the commission decided not to point to “those responsible, instead to only identify those who directly participated in the events where grave violations of individual rights occurred.”

Dealing with one of the issues most emphasized by human rights organizations, on April 20 the “International Forum on Criminalization of Human Rights Defenders and Social Protest” took place in the state of Guerrero. In addition to denouncing the general tendencies in the country, the final declaration emphasized the “right to protest because the institutional mechanisms do not efficiently respond to social demands.”

Photo: Widows of the executed members of the OFPM at the "International forum against the criminalization of Human Rights Defenders and the Social Protest" - © SIPAZ

In April, the National Network of Civil Human Rights Organizations “All Rights for All” presented a document which identified at least 41 cases in the last two years where there was police repression, arbitrary detentions, intercommunity confrontations, threats, hostilities, and killings carried out against environmental activists in 13 Mexican states (including Chiapas). It stated that the work of defenders of natural resources in the country is more and more difficult because their actions conflict with the economic interests of the government, local bosses, and transnational corporations.

Another event that could go unnoticed was the enactment of the Manifesto of Ostula, a document approved by indigenous peoples and communities from nine states who attended the 25^th assembly of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) in the central Pacific region in the middle of June. Faced with government and paramilitary repression as well as neo-liberal policies “of disregard, discrimination, destruction, and death,” they took back the right of self-defense in order to protect their territory and natural resources.

On April 21, the Mediation Commission between the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) and the Government ended its mission almost a year after it was formed in order to resolve the situation of two militants of the armed group who were considered to be disappeared detainees. It justified the decision by explaining that the “federal government did not have the will to resolve the issue.”

Chiapas: Impunity and “new-old” conflicts

In June, the first American Meeting Against Impunity took place in the Zapatista Caracol (municipal center) of Morelia, with the participation of 15 countries from the continent, in addition to delegations from Europe and Australia. Impunity was repeatedly denounced as an issue in the past and present of Latin America, something that is certainly true in Chiapas. One of the most striking situations in the past months was the resolution of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation (SCJN) to release 12 of those convicted of the Massacre of Acteal, which occurred on December 22, 1997. The Human Rights Center Fray Bartolomé de las Casas (CDHFBC) expressed fear “that the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, in this decision is contributing to the impunity, with irreversible consequences for the indigenous communities of Chiapas where the Internal Armed Conflict persists.”

At the end of March, a special office for the Protection of Non-Governmental Organizations for the Defense of Human Rights in Chiapas was created at the initiative of the State Executive, after accepting the recommendation of the National Commission of Human Rights (CNDH), in order to deal with delays in justice regarding the aggressions against the CDHFBC which occurred in October of 2006. Nevertheless, newly these types of aggression appeared not to be just things of the past when in June of this year a renewed tendency of harassment against Human Rights Defenders in San Cristóbal de las Casas was observed.

On the other hand, the majority of the reactions to social organizing efforts, which led to repression, are linked to issues of “land and territory.” Although many of the cases have to do with decades-old, unresolved land disputes, there are also still cases involving Zapatista “recuperated lands” following the armed uprising. Other focal points of conflict have to do with a wider definition of territory. We will give just three examples:

Highways and Eco-tourism projects

At the beginning of June, construction began in San Cristóbal of a highway which will unite San Cristóbal to the equally tourist attracting community, Palenque. This construction, as well as the expansion and internationalization of the airport in Palenque, is part of the completion of the Planned Integral Center of Palenque- Agua Azul (CIPP), which is being presented by the State Government as the “first eco-archeological development project in the country”.

Photo: Resistance against eco-turistic projects (Jolaco, Zona Norte) -
© SIPAZ

The population’s rejection of these projects has multiplied, particularly in the community of Mitzitón, in the municipality of San Cristóbal, and in San Sebastian Bachajón. At the beginning of July, five of the seven indigenous tzeltales, members of Bachajón, were freed from prison after being detained last April in distinct police actions. They denounced that they had been tortured and forced to confess to participation in assaults on the highway between San Cristóbal and Palenque. The CDHFBC explained their detention, saying, “The people of the ejido of San Sebastian Bachajón, Adherents to the Other Campaign, are part of an indigenous movement which opposes neo-liberal plans to steal their territory and exploit its natural resources. For many years, the region of Agua Azul has been a tourism zone which has been cared for and used for the benefit of the tstelal people of Bachajón”.

High Electricity Prices

In addition to a growing local organization (40% of the people of Chiapas refuse to pay electricity bills), in San Cristóbal in May, representatives of 20 organizations from seven Mexican states formed the National Network of Civil Resistance to the High Prices of Electrical Energy. Rooted in the strength of their organization (“if one is affected, all are affected”), the detention of 5 people resisting against high electricity prices in Candelaria, Campeche at the beginning of July has sparked acts of solidarity and protest in many other parts of the country.

Photo: Campaign against the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) in San Cristóbal de las Casas - © SIPAZ

Mines

Another issue which continues to generate mobilization has been that of mining. In the middle of April, around three thousand Catholics from various municipalities in the sierra of Chiapas marched to demand the cancellation of 56 mining exploitation concessions granted to corporations from the United States and Canada.

:: FOCUS

Note:

Due to the request made by some members of the Community of Faith, we decided to let the quotations anonymous in the following article.

Journey of the "Community of faith": Reflection and action on a changing reality

“Faith does not exist without history. Faith is the result of living – of both the journey and the long road taken. The year 1992 marked 500 years of indigenous resistance within an oppressive system. The journey of the "Community of faith" (Pueblo Creyente) is born out of a search for freedom within the burden of oppression. We may not have freedom yet, but we can’t stop working towards it. The time we spend on this path brings us to a better place, a new place where we can see the past and better understand the future. We can’t abandon this road. It is ours to conquer.”

The 18^th meeting of the "Community of faith" was held in San Cristóbal de Las Casas from July 1^st to 3^rd, 2009. The goal of the gathering was to record the experiences and events of the "Community of faith" throughout its history. It was also a good opportunity to become more familiar with this multi-faceted movement and the ways it has sought to analyze and adapt to changing realities.

Where did the journey of the "Community of faith" begin?

Every story begins with an unavoidable step forward – at times well thought-out, at times forced by the context of the times. When the parish priest of Simojovel, Father Joel Padrón, was jailed in 1991 members of the eight regions of the San Cristóbal de Las Casas diocese went on a pilgrimage demanding his release. The pilgrimage became a march to Tuxtla Gutierrez, the capital of Chiapas, and after 49 days in prison Father Padrón was released because of pressure from the people. In this way the movement of the "Community of faith" has roots similar to political movements except it remains within the diocese thanks to a combination of faith and politics, or “faith-politics” (without the “and”). But to gain a better understanding of this first step forward it’s important to go into more detail about the history of the people and the Church in Chiapas.

Photo: Ceremony at the Assembly of the Community of Faith - © SIPAZ

During the 1970’s, the Catholic Church established liberation and independence as important priorities, an orientation that originated with the Second Vatican Council and the General Conference of the Latin American Episcopate (CELAM) held in 1968 in Medellín. Meanwhile, the indigenous church set the goal of being “incarnate in indigenous cultures, with the old word of Indian theology being the source of the Word of God” and as the legitimate “option for the poor” who were “the main actors for profound changes in Latin America”. Samuel Ruíz García, Bishop of the San Cristóbal de Las Casas diocese from 1960 to 2000, recognized this as an “historic act on behalf of the Church”. His diocese became fertile ground for the Word of God and the changing realities of the times gave life to a “cornfield” (milpa) of dialogue and reflection rooted in the methodology of liberation theology, to “see-think-act”.

In 1974, after nine months of preparation, an Indigenous Congress took place in San Cristóbal de Las Casas. The conference commemorated both the incorporation of Chiapas as a state 150 years before, as well as the 500-year anniversary of the birth of Bartolomé de Las Casas, the first bishop in the region. The Congress took place in the four main indigenous languages of the region (tseltal, tsotsil, tojolabal and ch’ol) and tackled themes such as land, commerce, education and health. The extreme economic, political and social marginalization of the indigenous people of Chiapas was denounced and a plan with “fair guidelines that was organic and systematic” was outlined to overcome that marginalization. 

After 1974, the villages continued to analyze the reality of their situations using “the signs of the time” to lay the foundation for a work in progress. From 1975 on they held annual diocesan meetings. Almost 20 years later the pastoral letter “In This Hour of Grace” (November 1993) posed the following question: “Instead of waiting for social structures to change because of the desperation of those who have been historically oppressed, why not start on a different path?” The document marked a seismic shift for social movements that were until then underground. Events arising out of these social movements, such as the Zapatista uprising in 1994 and the San Andres Accord in 1996, are now both part of history and the present.

In 1991, the head organizer of the diocesan meetings consulted with delegates of the pastoral teams about how best to proceed. It was suggested that the people who made up each diocese be consulted, and in order to do this representatives from each pastoral region were invited to participate. In total, 36 advisors participated in this pre-assembly, which then became a semi-permanent meeting. The movement of the "Community of faith" was born from this small group.

Photo: Pilgrimage organized by the Community of Faith in 2008 - © SIPAZ

Father Joel Padrón was jailed on September 18th, 1991. He was accused of desecration, injury, robbery, making threats, provocation, defending a crime, associating with the intention to commit a crime, gangsterism, conspiracy, and the carrying of combat weapons. The state government called him a “guerilla priest” and “promoter of subversive acts” while landowners accused him of instigating land invasions. But because of the work of the diocese in previous decades many people rose up to say “your prison is our prison.” Eighteen-thousand members of the "Community of faith", most of them indigenous, marched from San Cristóbal de Las Casas to Tuxtla Gutierrez demanding Padrón’s release through fasting and prayer.

Present day structure

In the words of Don Samuel Ruiz, the movement of the "Community of faith" is part of a “critical analyses of reality with a dimension that incorporates the reign of God within history. The implication is a societal transformation that begins with the elimination of severe oppression.” The movement of the "Community of faith" does not come from any other part of the world, nor exist in any other part of the world – its roots are in the history of the diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas. Today the movement of the "Community of faith" has been consolidated and its structural base is spread out among the different areas of the San Cristóbal diocese. In spite of this, the Assembly of the "Community of faith" is only one of many work committees that exist in the diocese. Some other examples are Indian theology, Ecclesiastic Base Communities, catechism, deacons, health, youth pastors, women’s issues, human rights, etc…  

Photo: Pilgrimage organized by the Community of Faith in 2008 - © SIPAZ

In every region the committee leaders hold an assembly to reflect locally on “an analysis of their reality within the framework of the Word of God” to find “alternatives that are in harmony with peace, and both societal life and the life of the Church.” Previously they would meet four time a year in San Cristóbal de Las Casas. Each meeting would be organized into committees dedicated to: analysis, the writing of a newsletter called “The Truth Will Set Us Free”, the liturgy, logistics, etc…

Afterwards a meeting would be held in each region, sometimes as part of a pastoral team meeting. “For example, in the Selva region, a catechism meeting is held the day after the assembly of the "Community of faith." There are about 200 catechists and from there it is passed down to other community members. This really has an effect on the communities. Decisions are taken using this same method.” The strength of the process lies in the back and forth of information. It’s a participative model and a collective experience that allows for ideas to be fully endorsement when going from reflection to action.

One of the priests attending the most recent Assembly underlined the fact that “the pastoral team is not in charge – instead they are accompanied by the people. It’s about reflection.” Another person emphasized that the “movement of the "Community of faith" belongs to no one. It’s the rising up of a transformative consciousness that is inspired by the Word of God, history and suffering. It’s difficult to place it within partisan logic, social or organizational movements. The space transcends many elements. It has its own life without fixed political meaning; otherwise it would have to be in the service of that meaning.”  

During the past 18 years, the tseltal, tsotsil, ch’ol, tojolabal and mestizo have walked this path saying, “We are the diocese.” They want to integrate their agenda within the structure of the Church without losing their identity, and with the capacity to effect change on a large scale. Since 2000, the movement of the "Community of faith" has been part of the Synod and the internal structure of the Church while maintaining its unique roots within the indigenous church and the church of the poor. 

Today’s challenges

 “It’s impossible to talk about the movement of the "Community of faith" without feeling its presence over time in the fight between two alternatives: death (neoliberalism) and life. But it’s becoming more and more difficult to build an alternative for the people.” Up until 1960 Chiapas was “terra incognita” (Andres Aubry) – known by very few outside of its borders. It was a feudal world under the control of a few families who shared power, called a Province “on the outskirts”. When Samuel Ruiz arrived in Chiapas, the ranch owners used the indigenous people as laborers in a system characterized as semi-slavery.

Much has changed since then but at the same time, little has changed. “The material world needs victims to survive. That’s why it looks for slaves. The material world can repress heart and soul, and change our minds. Our main task is to fight the slavery that represses our souls, hearts and minds.”

Photo: The objective of the Assembly of the Community of Faith - © SIPAZ

Today, the movement of the "Community of faith" stubbornly continues to look for ways to change an oppressive reality and become agents of change, as well as political, social and ideological decolonizers. The "Community of faith" dreams of a different world and work to make it a reality. As villages and people who are free and are agents of change within that freedom, they choose a world where they take a firm stand within Salvation’s plan. “We can choose between life or eternal death; between God and the idols of power and money; between freedom and oppression; between living and building a community, or submerging ourselves in consumerism.” (In This Hour of Grace)

In this sense, “The "Community of faith" hasn’t stopped being both a political exercise and a movement. The Council (Synod) defines the movement of the "Community of faith" as a ‘rising up’. There is a very clear consciousness of fighting for justice, human rights, reconciliation and peace in a Church that is indigenous, and in the service of others and freedom.”

Between 1991 and 2008 the "Community of faith" started to undertake pilgrimages and visits to jails – not only to spend time with “their own” but also with other prisoners. The "Community of faith" demanded their release. Particularly noteworthy is the continuity the movement has shown in this respect over the years. Zacario Hernández Hernández was the first person to go on a hunger strike (in March 2008) and when he was released from prison he said the words of San Pablo sustained him during the strike: “When I am weak I am strong.”

The "Community of faith" also seeks to go beyond the division and fragmentation that has occurred in the social fabric, which is for the most part the consequence of years of slowly wearing down people with low level war after the Zapatista uprising.

The movement of the "Community of faith" is in a deep period of recovery, restoration and rediscovery of its past, mainly as Mayan people (even though the Council talks about mestizos and indigenous.) One regional representative says the movement is in a period of “reclaiming the past that has been lost to the point of bringing back the practice of praying by wells or in the fields after the corn has been planted. This practice is something that had been lost in many places, and less so in others.” The representative said an important aspect is listening to the elders: “It’s important not to leave behind the elders in the community because they are wise.” Also important are ways to reclaim self-government and to strengthen self-government following the teachings of these same elders, the great-great grandparents.

Dreaming of the future

“Concrete situations need to be converted into struggle; otherwise our lives are at stake. It's a constant challenge. A pilgrimage is something political in this context – it’s expressing oneself politically. The question that we’re asking ourselves is how to maintain this strength and to see things through. There are issues affecting our land and territory – like organic food and transgenic seeds – that are already in the works. The future is getting closer.”

Photo: Pilgrimage organized by the Community of Faith in 2008 - © SIPAZ

During the 18^th Assembly the future could be seen from the same hill that also enables us to look at the past. People emphasized the following: “We want to denounce unjust relationships, systems of domination, that which destroys nature, and be free women and men;” “To act now is to be a man of the future, to live and acknowledge its importance. My life experience is on the path to the future;” “In the future we need to be plural, cooperative, open and approachable, tolerant and respectful. Similarity isn’t necessary but respect and understanding is.”

They say that the strength of the movement of the "Community of faith" is in the fact that although feeling injustice is not the same as being a victim, the movement of the "Community of faith" knows both of these experiences. It knows how to be an exposed nerve that connects with suffering and has the ability to strengthen people with its faith. “They are people who have a lot of conviction, without fear of pain or heat.” The same person says faith is in resistance. “You have to resist and fight what they want to destroy of the people.”      

The movement of the "Community of faith" is both a historical and present-day witness and protagonist of “living faith.” It’s not necessarily based on “visible actions or occupations of city halls” but on more profound change. “It’s something inside oneself. A prayer or way of talking that makes you sensitive to this moment in life. It tries to reclaim that, to change automatic and social prayer which to a certain point is only asking, asking for a meeting in the other world.”

Mayan Altar at the Assembly of the Community of Faith - © SIPAZ

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:: ARTICLE

The Voice of Amate (La Voz del Amate) Speaks

“Greetings to those who stand with us and are conscious of our struggle. Yes, we have problems because of the government, but we continue resisting and you continue resisting. So thank you from this place as well. Don’t be afraid of that which can kill the body. We must fear that which kills the body and the soul. We need not fear men. The mental exercise we must maintain is that of David and Goliath and the knowledge that we can win.”

Alberto Patishtán, prisoner.

Fifteen months have passed since 48 prisoners went on a hunger strike in three prisons in the state of Chiapas between March and April of last year (see the SIPAZ Report Vol. XIII No. 2, May of 2008). A number of the prisoners were part of the organization the “Voice of Los Llanos” (La Voz de los Llanos) and incarcerated in the prison in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, which is officially named the State Center of Social Rehabilitation No. 5 ‘Los Llanos’ (CERSS No. 5). Others formed the organization the “Voice of Amate” (La Voz de Amate) in the prison CERSS No. 14 ‘El Amate’. Both groups belong to the Other Campaign (La Otra Campaña) begun by the EZLN. Since the hunger strike almost all the prisoners have been released. The only prisoner left is Alberto Patishtán, one of the founders of the “Voice of Amate” and today the only remaining member. He is now the “Voice of Amate”.

He was detained on June 19th, 2000, and accused of ambush, possession of firearms, and first degree murder of state police officers in El Bosque, the municipality where he lived. According the Human Rights Center Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas (CDHFBC) and others who have followed the case, there were many irregularities in the justice process which support his innocence. As a result of pressure from prisoners and national and international solidarity movements, the government of Chiapas began a process of reviewing cases. A list with the names of wrongfully convicted prisoners was compiled and in the end almost 300 prisoners were released due to innocence or violations of due process. However, because Patishtán was accused of federal crimes he was not on the list.

Photo: Alberto Patishtán - Courtesy from the CDHFBC

Alberto Patishtán is an indigenous tsotsil. Before he was imprisoned he was a teacher, which explains his nickname “the teacher”. He is also a catechist, a responsibility that he has continued to carry out inside prison. He is now being held in the prison CERSS No. 5 after being transferred from El Amate in April of this year. Since being moved, SIPAZ has visited him twice and we would like to let people know some of what he has shared with us.

The most recent development in Patishtán’s legal case is that his defense team has attempted to speed up the process by trying to move his case from federal to state level jurisdiction in order to facilitate his release. But although the request has been made, there has been no progress to date.

Patishtán says that in 5 (meaning the prison CERSS No. 5) there are no ‘precisos’ like in El Amate: a group of prisoners who, with the help of the prison authorities control the rest of the prisoners, demanding money or work in exchange for protection from being assaulted or mistreated.

Patishtán’s smile and calm voice are inspiring. In his words and his look he shows the strength and the spirit he carries within him. Even though he has spent nine years in prison, he doesn’t seem tired or disillusioned. He says that his social awareness comes from his faith: “The strength and the patience that I have been given is a tool to continue struggling. When I arrived here many people told me: ‘It is good that you came, because we need you, we love you’. Why? I asked myself. That space that is the church also opened up to me when I arrived.”

Alberto Patishtán has also dedicated himself to creating awareness among other prisoners. In prison No. 5 many people live in similar situations as the indigenous even though they are mestizos. They have sentences between 15 and 30 years and their cases have many similarities like “self-declarations of guilt” brought about by torture. He says that many people trust him, they come up to him and ask him: “What is going to happen?”…

Alberto Patishtán does not believe in political parties anymore. He says they use the people like a ladder – to climb over and get ahead. During his talks to prisoners, he says, “they talk of the parties, and they conclude the same thing about all of them. When they understand, they get angry”. On the other hand indigenous autonomy seems to be his path. In the talks he and prisoners also discuss how they’ve forgotten their own culture, and how to reclaim it as “an important part of self-awareness”. He points out that as indigenous people they continue to suffer discrimination: “They ignore us because we are indigenous, because we speak tsotsil, because of our lack of education. And it is something that happens in our own towns; those who have money leave the community or they join the government.” Perhaps because of this “the teacher” says that there is still much to do. The saddest thing he sees in prison are the people who do not want to defend themselves: “They cannot speak Spanish and cannot express themselves, and so many do not speak out. But others have faith and hope that one day they will be released”.

The ‘teacher’ says that the struggle must continue and that to stop would be to go backwards. “The struggle is a concept that encompasses many things: the injustice of the prison, the prisoners that suffer there, many of them without medicine. It is the same in here as outside, but we must start somewhere”.

:: SIPAZ ACTIVITIES

April to the middle of July, 2009

INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE AND ACCOMPANIMENT

Chiapas

Northern Zone

In May, we visited various communities and cities in the northern zone of Chiapas in order to interview a number of actors in the region: members of different political groups, government functionaries, church members, civil authorities, and Zapatista support bases.

Altos

In May, we interviewed members of the Autonomous Committee of Magdalena de la Paz (official municipality of Aldama) in order to discuss the agrarian problems happening in the municipality. This month, we also met with the Autonomous Committee of Polhó (official municipality of Chenalhó) in order to discuss the situation in the municipality.

Jungle

- On May 25 and 26, we attended a meeting of indigenous and social organizations of the Jungle and of the region of Bachajón, which tool place in Patate de Chilón. The meeting was held in order to deal with shared problems in the area, which have to do with the defense of land and territory.

- In May and June, we visited various communities in the Autonomous Municipality of Comandanta Ramona where the presence of eco-tourism projects has generated conflicts.

- At the end of May, we accompanied as observers a protest march held by members of the ejido of San Sebastián Bachajón as part of a national and international campaign of protests, meetings, and cultural events demanding the release of the seven incarcerated indigenous tseltales of Bachajón, 5 of whom were freed in July.

Central Region

On May 4 and 5, we were present at the 2^nd anniversary of the re-occupation of the land of the members of the community of Cruztón.

CARACOLES/EZLN

- Between April and June, we visited 4 of the 5 Zapatista Caracoles.

- On June 20 and 21 of 2009, we attended the First Continental Meeting Against Impunity which took place in the Zapatista Caracol of Morelia. More than 300 people arrived from different Mexican states as well as various countries in Latin America and the world.

Oaxaca

On April 17 and 18, we attended the “Forum Building Resistance in Defense of Our Territory” in the municipality of San Pedro Apóstol, Ocotlán, at which more than 400 people gathered. Indigenous communities from Oaxaca and other states, as well as statewide, national, and international organizations met to discuss the large projects of “development, inversions, and public politics which threaten their land and natural resources”. On April 17 in the city of Oaxaca de Juárez, we were also present at a press conference at which more than 20 organizations protested the killing of women and pressed for an end to feminicide in Oaxaca. In earlier days, we interviewed a number of different counterparts in the city of Oaxaca.

Guerrero

- At the end of April, we attended the “International Forum on Criminalization of Human Rights Defenders and Social Protest” in the city of Chilpancingo, organized by various human rights organizations of Guerrero and the Due Process of Law Foundation (DPLF, of the US). The objective was to analyze the serious situation which challenges human rights defenders in Mexico, and Guerrero in particular, as well as discuss possible solutions.

- On June 26 and 27, we participated in the Forum “Defenders: between pain and hope” which took place as part of the fifteenth anniversary of the Human Rights Center of the Montaña Tlachinollan, where 250 people gathered from organizations and communities of Guerrero, Mexico, and the world.

Public Relations- Lobbying

- In April, we interviewed a member of the US Embassy in Mexico City to discuss the issue of indigenous rights in Mexico

- In June, we met with the head of Political Affairs and Human Rights of the German Embassy in Mexico City. We discussed our concerns regarding the socio-political situation and human rights issues in Chiapas.

Others

- On May 16 and 17, we attended a meeting of various organizations from 7 Mexican states which led to formation of the National Network of Civil Resistance to High Electricity Prices.

- On June 5, we attended the forum Graffiti, Youth, and Re-defining Public Spaces which took place in San Cristóbal de las Casas in order to deal with, in addition to the issue of graffiti, the exercise of youth rights and forms of co-existence in San Cristóbal; an urban space which seems to be more interested in satisfying the demands of the tourism industry.

- In April and July, we visited Alberto Patishtán who is incarcerated in the prison of San Cristóbal (see the article in this report)

- On April 9 and 10, we visited communities affected by the mining projects in the municipality of Chicomuselo.

PEACE PROMOTION

Peace Education

- On May 14 and 15, we participated in a workshop in San Cristóbal on gender and peace with counterparts of the project of Peace and Reconciliation organized by CMC-Holland.

- In May, a member of SIPAZ attended a module of the School for Peace organized by Services and Consulting for Peace (SERAPAZ) in Mexico City.

- At the beginning of June, we participated in an ecumenical space for prayer and reflection organized by the Ecumenical Group of Analysis of the Context and Reality (GEACR) of which we are a part.

-In June, we facilitated two workshops on human rights and peace for people organized from neighborhoods in San Cristóbal.

Networking

- On May 18, the Commission of Support for Unity and Reconciliation (CORECO), the Human Rights Center Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, SERAPAZ, and SIPAZ organized a Wide Space of Reflection and Analysis on the issue of “Threats to indigenous and campesino land and territory in Southeast Mexico” which took place in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, with the participation of almost 200 people.

- We participated in monthly meetings of the Network for Peace, a space of action and reflection made up of 16 organizations which are attempting to promote peace and reconciliation projects in Chiapas.

- July 1 through 3, we attended the XVIII Assembly of the Pueblo Creyente (see the Focus).

INFORMATION

- We received visits from delegations, students, and journalists, interested in getting to know the reality of Chiapas and the work of SIPAZ.
- In the middle of July, we presented an address on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples as part of the first Campaign for the Economic, Social, Cultural, Environmental, and Indigenous Rights, which took place in San Cristóbal.

- On May 19, we attended the forum “Military Co-operation, the Democratic Process, and Human Rights” held by the Human Rights Center Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez (Centro ProDH).