:: ANALYSIS

Mexico: Between Electoral Pre-campaigns and the “Other Campaign” of the Zapatistas

Pre-candidacy and official campaigns

Presidential Report: Few expectations, little impact

At the beginning of September, with less than a year left in his term, Mexican President Vicente Fox presented his fifth governmental report. This brief speech was mainly a formality and devoid of “hard facts”. President Fox focused his message on two main ideas: the transition to democracy and the call for the development of accords. This call, aimed primarily at Congress, seems paradoxical given that no significant accords have been reached in the past five years. Additionally, since the current pre-electoral battles further define and reinforce party lines and interests, the possibilities for reaching consensus on reforms are increasingly limited.

The minimal impact of this speech is related to the fact that the inter-party political debate is currently centered around the upcoming Presidential election of 2006. Pre-candidacies have already been defined and as a result internal conflicts within the political parties have been intensified.

PRI: Battles between pre-candidates and over the renewal of its leadership

Following their defeat in the 2000 Presidential elections, after seventy-one years in power, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) has maintained its position as the primary political force in Mexico at the local, state and national level. The gubernatorial elections in the state of Mexico last July were perceived as a sort of barometer, indicative of the electoral preferences to come in 2006. The PRI candidate, Enrique Peña Nieto, defeated his contenders by a margin of nearly two to one.

One of the two pre-candidates for the PRI is Roberto Madrazo, who as the national president of the PRI has great control over the party structure as well as influence in local elections. Madrazo competes against Arturo Montiel, former governor of the state of Mexico and current leader of the Unidad Democrática (Democratic Union), an organization also know as Todos Unidos Contra Madrazo (TUCOM- United against Madrazo). The battle between the two has been waged in the media and has been somewhat overshadowed by the renewal of the PRI leadership, deepening the divisions within the party.

In August, Mariano Palacios Alcocer was appointed PRI president over Elba Esther Gordillo, the anti-Madrazo secretary general of the PRI, who it was presumed would fill the position. With the hope of revoking this appointment, Elba Esther Gordillo instigated a trial before the Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF- Electoral Tribunal of Federal Judicial Power). Amidst the tensions, the TEPJF finally validated the appointment provoking Elba Esther Gordilllo´s resignation from her position as secretary general. In doing so, she opened up for herself the possibilities of becoming a pre-candidate, of supporting a different pre-candidate, or even of joining another party.

PAN: Semi-closed internal election

Within the Partido de Acción Nacional (PAN- Nacional Action Party), the contenders include Alberto Cárdenas Jiménez, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, and Santiago Creel Miranda. Creel is recognized as the candidate supported by Vicente Fox, as he served under Fox, until recently, as the Secretary of the Interior. . Initially, Miranda was considered the favorite of the three. Amidst a major deployment of economic and media resources, the competition between the three trends represented by the various contenders could lead to a situation of greater division within a party already weakened by its time in power.

The internal election will be semi-closed with a first round executed in three phases, state by state, between September and October. The second round will take place in November with simultaneous voting throughout the nation. On September 11, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa won the first phase of regional voting. Hinojosa´s lead over Creel is thought to be, in part, the result of a vote of protest by PAN members against the Fox administration.

PRD and López Obrador

On July 30^th, following his resignation as Jefe del Gobierno del Distrito Federal (Head of Government of the Federal District) Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) registered himself as a pre-candidate in the presidential race. Given his great popularity, he is thought to be the definite PRD candidate. The controversy surrounding his possible involvement in illegal activity (which would have excluded him from the presidential election; see previous bulletins) ultimately increased his popularity. On the other hand, as Head of the Federal District Government his social policy based on redistribution assured him a broader popular base. This same policy has caused him to receive criticism for propiating a clientele relationship with his beneficiaries as well as for his role in increasing the Federal District´s debt from 28.718 billion pesos in 2000 to 41.4 billion pesos in 2005. [exchange rate: US$1= 10.7 pesos]

Another “Achilles´ heel” for López Obrador is the fact that 24 of his 50 electoral proposals rely on approval by the Legislature, not the Executive Branch. This makes these proposals nearly impossible given how unlikely it is that the PRD gain control of Congress

National Citizens Coalition: Another factor in the equation

At the end of September, approximately 250 political, social, civil, campesino, and labor organizations formalized the Coalición Ciudadana Nacional por la Transición Democrática con Justicia y Equidad (National Citizens Coalition for Democratic Transition with Justice and Equality). Until then, it was known as the Frente Amplio de Izquierda (Broad Leftist Front). This coalition has included leaders of the PRD, the Partido del Trabajo (Workers´ Party) and the Partido Convergencia (Convergence Party). It is important to note that among the instigators of this group is Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, historical leader and three-time Presidential candidate for the PRD, currently marginalized from the party.

The National Citizens Coalition’s primary goal is the promotion of democratic transition, through the necessary Reform of the State, emphasizing the political project itself, rather than any of the politicians leading it. The Coalition does not stand any real chance of presenting a candidate that could actually compete against AMLO for the leftist or popular vote. Nevertheless, the strength of the Coalition as an organized base of political support could obligate AMLO to enter into a debate about his policies, in the process negotiating positions and conditions. If AMLO were to win, the Coalition could be converted into the sort of organizational support base that AMLO currently lacks, despite his popularity. By offering this much needed support, the Coalition could also act as a counterbalance to AMLO´s power, influencing policy and decision-making in his administration.

From the Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona to the “Other Campaign”

Within this political framework, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) was transitioning from the Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona to the launching of the “Other Campaign” (see “Feature”). The EZLN cut off its relationship with the political parties after the so-called legislative “betrayal” in 2001. That year Congress approved a constitutional reform on indigenous rights and culture that dramatically differed from the agreement reached in the San Andres Accords, signed in 1996 between the Zapatistas and the federal government.

At the present time, the EZLN believes that there is nothing to debate with those from “above,” those institutions and political parties that according to the Zapatistas only seek power for the sake of power, waste resources, and have no contact with the needs of the people. With the Sixth Declaration, the Zapatistas confirm that they do not expect anything from the current administration, or from the next administration no matter who it is. Nevertheless, the Zapatistas launched their new initiative precisely at a moment of transition of power in Mexico.

The new strategy maintains the military “rearguard” on the part of the Zapatistas. It proposes emphasizing the need to continue the process of developing and strengthening autonomy in Chiapas. Additionally, another proposal has been offered, suggesting a struggle “from below and from the left” on the national level. This dimension has existed from the beginning as is evident in the name of the EZLN, the army of “national liberation.” The new strategy also includes an effort to deepen the global dimension of the movement.

Amidst the crisis in representative democracy and the rupture with the institutional, Zapatismo proposes something more than a strategy: a methodology constructed from below, from those from below for those from below. This methodology is embodied by the Other Campaign, as it seeks to initiate a radical transformation of the State. The Other Campaign directly and critically confronts the logic of electoral politics and campaign practices, so heavily reliant on money, power, and means, as well as the processes of negotiation between the major political forces. The Other Campaign has been steadily gaining support. At the beginning of September, 162 social organizations, 55 political organizations, 453 non-governmental organizations, groups and collectives, 103 indigenous organizations, and 1,625 individuals had pledged their support for the Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona. 2,069 people attended the Plenary Session.

The position of the Sixth Declaration vis-à-vis the political parties and López Obrador generated great controversy. The national leadership of the PRD defined the language used by Subcomandante Marcos as “excessive” and denied their betrayal of the indigenous cause (referring to the law of 2001). For many supporters of López Obrador the positioning of the Sixth Declaration can be seen as anticlimactic, running the risk of dividing the left at a moment when there is thought to be a real chance of the“left” (AMLO) winning the presidential election. However, for the EZLN, voting for the “lesser of two evils” is simply not an option. Nevertheless, despite reports to the contrary in various news outlets, the Sixth Declaration is not calling for abstention from voting: “The proposal of the Sixth Declaration is to align itself with unregistered political organizations, which is not to say that these organizations do not struggle to gain power, nor does it imply that their strategies do not include electoral efforts. Just as the Other Campaign enters into the electoral campaign, we do not want it to be used to register a candidate.” Nor is the Sixth Declaration a “prozapatista” call for unconditional support for its political proposals and organization.

Reactions to the Other Campaign

His doubts regarding the Other Campaign: “The choice that Marcos made to use violence is a choice that cancels democracy. I prefer the option of citizens with first and last names, who show their face, and who participate in politics. This means that we construct a democratic life, also with the risks that included in the past loss of employment or life that.” Nevertheless, the Other Campaign is a political, pacifist initiative, just like every other Zapatista initiative since the twelve initial days of war in 1994..

The Executive Spokesperson of the Presidency, Rubén Aguilar Valenzuela, expressed support for the Zapatista´s decision to participate politically. He stressed the potential influence of the Zapatistas in the upcoming electoral process of 2006. With regards to the Zapatista´s plan to tour the nation, Valenzuela voiced his approval adding that the Mexican government will work to facilitate this process. The federal government expressed a willingness to dialogue with Sub-Commandante Marcos, over the place, hour and above all the themes that he wanted.

During the Plenary Session of the Other Campaign, Marcos received a letter containing an invitation to a secret meeting with the Peace Coordinator of Chiapas, Luis H. Álvarez. The EZLN rejected this invitation. Álvarez confirmed the delivery of this letter and the intention of creating a dialogue for the exchange of ideas and perspectives on the situation of the indigenous communities of Chiapas.

The third week of September, a meeting was held between the Secretary of the Interior, Carlos Abascal Carranza, and seven members of the COCOPA (the Commission for Concordance and Pacification created by legislators in an effort to construct dialogue between the EZLN and the Federal Government). The goal of this meeting was to analyze the proposals made by the EZLN commanders in the Plenary Session. They recognized the legality of the Zapatista movement. Although the perspective of the government is publicly expressed as support for the Zapatista proposals, there have been reports of repressive actions. For example in Oaxaca there have been reprisals against those attempting to distribute information about the Other Campaign.

In mid-August, when asked if the Federal Army had received any instructions related to the upcoming tour by the Zapatista delegation, the commander of the seventh military region of Chiapas, Juan Morales Fuentes, stated that this event does not pose any threat to social stability. At the end of August, the Centro de Investigación y Seguridad Nacional (CISEN- Center for Research and National Security) submitted a report to the National Defense Secretary, in which they identified eight armed organizations that are currently operating within Mexico. The report affirmed that only five of them “have the potential to affect social peace and national security”: the Ejército Popular Revolucionario (EPR- Popular Revolutionary Army) and four organizations derived from it. The EZLN was not included among these groups.

Chiapas: More Campaigns and Tension

Locally, the political agenda has revolved around the upcoming elections for governor, which will take place just after the federal elections, in August 2006. In early September, the Controlaria de la Legalidad Electoral (Controller of Electoral Legality) began administrative proceedings against several politicians aspiring to become candidates: federal deputies Emilio Zebadúa (PRD) and Manuel Velasco (PVEM- Green Party of Mexico), senators Rutilio Escandón (PRD) and José Antonio Aguilar (PRI). They are accused of campaigning before the designated legal campaign period. Various news sources affirmed that this measure is being taken to support the present state Secretary of the Interior, Rubén Velázquez, who is thought to be the candidate chosen by the current governor, Pablo Salazar.

In the next state elections, many predict a great wave of abstention by voters, thereby facilitating a return to power by the PRI. The PRI could win because of its strong presence and establishment throughout the state. Additionally, the current polarization within the national system of political parties makes it unlikely that an inter-party coalition could be formed the way it was in the last gubernatorial election. The current governor was elected because of the support he gained through a coalition of eight parties.

In the northern region of Chiapas, the context is marked by a exacerbation of tensions amidst rumors of the reactivation of the group “Desarrollo, Paz, y Justicia” (DP&J- Development, Peace and Justice), which has been accused of paramilitary activity. In August, the Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas (Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Center), once again denounced the forced displacement of several families as a result of aggression and threats linked to DP&J, in the community of Andrés Quintana Roo, in the municipality of Sabanilla. The displacement occurred in June, July, and August, affecting twenty families, totaling 117 persons. The state government has used the term “self-displacement” to refer to this situation. Nevertheless, the level of fear in the area is very real and obvious, similar to the situation in the municipality of Tila.

Also in the northern region, on September 6th, in the community of Belisario Domínguez, in the municipality of Salto de Agua, a conflict occurred between Zapatista supporters and the rest of the population, resulting in a number of injuries. At the center of this conflict once again appears the question of basic services, causing tension within the divided communities, as mentioned in previous SIPAZ Reports. The Zapatista families tried to stop the other community members from disconnecting their electricity and preventing the Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE- Federal Electrical Commission) from entering the village. The rest of the community organized themselves and followed four employees of the CFE to outside of the community, with the goal of “trying to form an agreement with the CFE with regards to their problems.”

:: FOCUS

THE OTHER CAMPAIGN: A PROVOCATION OF THE IMAGINATION

“Because music is not composed of a single note, but rather of many, and dance is not simply the repetition of a single step to the point of exhaustion. Peace will therefore be an open concert of words and many views towards another geography…”
Another geography. EZLN. March 2003

Marches, consultations, conventions and meetings have defined the political strategy of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) with their continual call for the participation of the civil society, nationally and internationally. The Sixth Declaration of the Selva Lacandona (“the Sexta,” published in June 2005) maintains coherence with this type of strategy and expresses, more than ever before, a recognition of the fact that the war taking place in Chiapas is the same war being waged in other parts of Mexico and throughout the world. Parallel to this recognition is the affirmation that a radical solution to the EZLN´s demands, and the armed conflict in Chiapas, must be based in a transformation of the neoliberal economic system.

While this idea is not a new one, the Sexta does distinguish several differences vis-à-vis past initiatives. In the Sexta, the Zapatistas recognize the obstacles in advancing the process of creating change without being united or aligned with other movements of Mexico and the world where people are also constructing alternatives to neoliberal capitalism. To create such networks, the Zapatistas believe it is necessary that they meet these individuals and collectives that are also proposing new spaces for organizing, new relationships, and new proposals.

“The Sexta calls for a union of those who share this definition, with a challenge: another form of politics; with an objective: the construction of a national program for the leftist anti-capitalist struggle; and a destination: a new constitution, which is to say, a new contract for a new society. The Sexta proposes a mode: listening and learning. And the Sexta proposes how to do this listening and learning: with the ´other campaign´”
(EZLN, August 27, 2005).

The Sexta is a challenge to the imagination because it allows for the creation of “something else” through which to unite all of the struggles in all the corners of the world to create a new world where all of our differences can fit. The Other Campaign is the course proposed by the EZLN to achieve this unity.

The Selva Lacandona: an Experimental Laboratory for the Other Campaign

In August and September, the EZLN invited all those who adhere to the principles of the Sexta to share their opinions of the proposals and to meet each other. These meetings were a space for the discussion of what it means to be of the left, what the agenda of the left is, how the left should be structured, what sort of attitude to adopt with relation to the elections, and what concepts and slogans the Other Campaign should adopt.

The mode of “listening and learning” was put into action, serving as an example of the political exercise that many could learn from, especially the aspect of listening more and speaking less. In continuing its dialogue with the civil society, the EZLN offered to listen once again, however this time not from a podium but rather on the same level and without time limitations. Hundreds of people from around the nation traveled to spend a few days in the Selva Lacandona and be heard. In 2006, the EZLN will tour the nation to listen to all those who could not make the trip to the Selva, to understand their opinions and to continue developing the network among those adherents of the Sexta.

This methodology, devoid of logical frames, without blackboards or modern technology, is a return to the origin of everything: the word and the attentive ear. In a recuperation of Mayan knowledge, “the world begins to be born when one word and another word find each other and do not argue, rather they meet and reach an agreement because they have mutual respect, and they speak and they listen. And so there is agreement because the first word is not born alone, rather it is born with ears and it is with these ears, by listening, that the first words grow because they reach agreement, and the first words that found each other agreed and the first they thought the world and then they made it” (EZLN, August 13, 2005).

The “Other Campaign” in Electoral Times

The clear and convincing framework of the EZLN with respect to political parties, and especially the Revolutionary Democratic Party (PRD) has led individuals who were once aligned with the EZLN to detach themselves from the Other Campaign. The EZLN knew ahead of time that this proposal could risk a large number of the relationships they have created. They were conscious of the fact that part of the national and international society would not understand or share this proposal. With this in mind, one can reread the letter of farewell sent to the civil society by the EZLN, on June 21, 2005, shortly after declaring the Red Alert. The Sexta seeks to create a new cycle in the relationship of the EZLN to the civil society, opening up a new, more reciprocal and horizontal relation. This characteristic has been noted in several of the planning meetings. There has been a recognition of the ethical legitimacy of the EZLN in achieving such a broad and plural gathering.

Nevertheless, from the respectful position exhibited by the organizations that were present, there was great expression of criticism of the Zapatista leadership, primarily for their lack of support in moments of serious political repression. This was the case with the National Revolutionary Union of Euzkadi Workers (SNRTE) and the Popular Indigenous Council Ricardo Flores Magón (CIPRFM) of Oaxaca. Also, the feminist organizations of San Cristóbal de Las Casas demanded an explanation for the obstacles they felt in their work with Zapatista women. Many participants made it clear that they are not willing to receive orders or follow leaders. And the EZLN recognized the errors and poor choices they have made along the way, thanking the participants for their sincerity. They restated their commitment and loyalty to those who want to participate in the Campaign, where the EZLN will not claim to be the center nor the director.

The environment of each of the planning meetings was distinct, based on the organizations that were participating. The first meeting was with the political organizations of the left. The EZLN, recognizing its poor relationship with them and even its ignorance, praised the long-term work done by these organizations. In this session, there was great debate over whether or not to support the candidacy of López Obrador (PRD presidential candidate). The Popular Socialist Party of Mexico (PPSM), the Revolutionary Workers Party (PRT), the Socialist Workers Party (POS) and the Communist Party (Partido Comunista) affirmed the necessity of grassroots work, and someone agreed with the EZLN´s belief that the electoral venue has been exhausted. Similar to this session, the meeting with the social movements and organizations also included parts of the “traditional” left, with some of the major unions of Mexico reclaiming union autonomy.

The meeting with the indigenous groups was filled with emotion and rage. In this meeting, histories of resistance were once again united. The EZLN reiterated its indigenous identity and insisted in defending its voice within the Other Campaign. The EZLN asked that they be hosted in the indigenous territories during their national tour. Attending this meeting were comrades from the Caracol Autónomo de Zirahuén de Michoacán sharing their experiences in their struggle to defend the environment from the development of tourism. Also shared was the experience of the Indigenous Rights Center of Bachajón of Chiapas, which has been working to support the strengthening of the “Tzeltal judges” who resolve community conflicts according to their own traditional methods. Urban indigenous individuals also attended the meeting, highlighting the “Collective of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico City in Support of the Sexta,” which is composed of 17 organizations united by the Zapatista call to action.

Adding the differences of other groups, the meeting with the non-governmental organizations, collectives, and groups reflected the diversity of new forms of resistance against the neo-liberal system. This was the meeting of the young, or as one journalist wrote “the children of Zapatismo.” This group did not dedicate their time to discussion of the elections, rather they shared the day to day practices through which they aim to not reproduce the very system they reject. Radio Voladora, Radio Pacheco, Imagen MX or Indymedia-Chiapas among others, shared another form of freely informing about criticism, escaping the control of the major media outlets and putting technology to work for political and social movements. There were Jarocho sounds, Trova music in Tseltal and hip-hop, through which the young demonstrated their willingness to redefine their own cultures without being afraid of adopting new trends. A number of collectives reclaimed the diversity of sexual preferences, shattering the taboos that continue to prevail in Mexican society.

In the meeting with the individuals (of personal, family, or neighborhood titles), many shared their wounds from participating in the struggle. There was a sequence of life histories, personal journeys of self-discovery, and more than anything testimonies of how the EZLN, its theory and its practice, has appealed to thousands of Mexicans. There was a final preparatory meeting to incorporate the organizations, collectives, and individuals who could not attend.

The Other Campaign represents a review of those who were once participating but no longer do, as well as of those who had never approached the EZLN and are now including themselves in the Other Campaign because they feel that there is a place for them without requiring that they lose their autonomy or part of their identity.

The Plenary Session: The Plan of the Other Campaign

The First Plenary Session celebrated on the September 16 & 17 in the Caracol of La Garrucha represented a test of the Other Campaign. Many of the organizations that had participated separately in the previous days attended the Plenary Session. Each representative was given five minutes to express his or her opinion. The issues addressed included: the characteristics of the Other Campaign, the participants, the organizational structure, the space for differences, the position of the Other Campaign vis-à-vis other organizing efforts already in action at the national level addressing neo-liberal policies, and finally, the tasks at hand for those who were present. All of these issues remained open, so that the discussion might include the perspectives of those adherents of the Sexta who could not attend the First Plenary Session. Above all, this Plenary Session, with the presence of the EZLN commanders, had a very symbolic character, through which the Sexta and the Other Campaign were officially delivered and shared with all the adherents. The EZLN reiterated its assurance that they would walk together with the people with respect and equality. The EZLN also stated that the Other Campaign exists without a bank account and is solely supported by the people. With this, the Sexta and the Other Campaign stopped being a proposal solely of the EZLN and the committed organizations and individuals assumed an equal level of responsibility for this initiative.

At the Plenary Session, the EZLN commanders presented their “Plan” for the Other Campaign. The EZLN Commission of the Sexta will send the “Delegation Zero,” the Sub-commandante Insurgente Marcos to visit all the Mexican states between January and June 2006, closing this first phase on Saturday June 24 with a Plenary-Informative Session in Mexico City and the state of Mexico. The goals of this tour are to celebrate the state meetings of the Other Campaign, to organize the logistics of the next outing of the EZLN Commission of the Sexta, and to hold bilateral meetings with organizations. After the suspension of activities during the electoral period, the second outing will take place between September 2006 and March 2007. In this phase, a national delegation of the EZLN will travel throughout the nation, and regional and state delegations will remain in their respective regions or states to promote the Other Campaign. In April 2007 these delegations will be replaced by others, “and on and on, until we finish, that is, if we finish” (EZLN).

The announcement of Sub-comandante Marcos’ outing in the first phase has generated a great deal of excitement for some, and skepticism and bewilderment for others. With the latter there is fear that the media attention on Marcos could impair the essence of the project. Lieutenant Moisés´ words in the Plenary Session revealed the strategic symbolism of this decision. As they announced with the Red Alert, the commanders and their apparatus under recently revised direction, maintain themselves in a defensive position. Marcos will travel unarmed, demonstrating their willingness and preparedness to take risks. They announced that they have designated the necessary relief so that the tour will continue regardless of what happens. They also advised that those who want to walk with the Other Campaign must be prepared to confront repression and the media offensive that could arise, in the coming months, against the Campaign.

The Dead, the Prisoners, and the Disappeared Join the Other Campaign

The indigenous communities where the planning meetings were held have their own histories of struggle, which they shared at the opening of each meeting. The EZLN recalled that not so long ago those lands were “fincas” (plantations) where the indigenous peoples were treated like animals. At that time, they were not free to walk around the area unless they were working the land for a miserable wage. Those lands were "reclaimed" during the redistribution that followed the Zapatista uprising.

In remembering these histories, the contributions of several persons now deceased were recalled: Francisco Gómez (El Señor Ik) in the community of Juan Diego and the Subcommandante Insurgente Pedro in La Garrucha. They also recognized the dead of other struggles, with which they are in solidarity, as their own. They explained that to be united in struggle you must be united not only in the hope and in the rebellion but also in the pain. The student Noel Pavel was "present" as well as the human rights activist Digna Ochoa, the murdered women of Ciudad Juárez, and those killed in the counterinsurgency waged by paramilitaries in the northern zone of Chiapas. Felipe Arreaga, the campesino ecologist and political prisoner from Guerrero (who was freed on September 15), was also mentioned, as were the disappeared from the "Dirty War" of the 1970s.

For the EZLN this remembrance is a way to keep alive all those who have been disappeared, imprisoned, or killed for defending freedom and justice for all. In this sense, one of the first actions of the Other Campaign will be to hold a series of political and cultural activities from October 28- November 2nd to honor the dead, the disappeared, and the prisoners of the various struggles that exist as part of the Other Campaign. San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas, will be the center of this commemoration.

In Which Geographic Location Are You Situated?

The Sexta is composed of six parts: "1. What we are; 2. Where we are now; 3. How we see the world; 4. How we see our country, Mexico; 5. What we want to do; 6. How we are going to do it." The Sexta invites everyone to ask themselves the same questions regarding whatever socio-political situation they live in. And while much is still lacking on the national level, on the international level the Sexta also involves us by leading us to question where we are situated and in which direction we want to move: "Those who live in the North do not do so in the geographic north, but rather in the Social North. This is to say, they are above. Those who live in the South are below. Geography has become simplified, there is an above and a below. The space of above is narrow and only a few fit. The space of below is so wide that it fits any part of the planet and it has space for all of humanity" (EZLN. Another Geography). The Sexta is proposed as an opportunity to articulate resistance not only in Mexico, but throughout the world. In the words of the Professor González Casanova, the Other Campaign could just as well be "the last chance for humanity." The challenge is great and not only for the civil society of Mexico

Links

• Revista Rebeldía www.revistarebeldia.org
• EZLN. Otra Geografía. Marzo 2003. www.fzln.org.mx
• Colectivo de Solidaridad con la Rebelión Zapatista de Barcelona. www.pangea.org/ellokal/chiapas/

:: SIPAZ ACTIVITIES

Julio- Septiembre de 2005

July- September 2005

INTERNATIONAL PRESENCE AND ACCOMPANIMENT

During these three months, we met with 3 Councils of Good Government(Juntas de Buen Gobierno) from the 5 Zapatista Caracoles following their reopening.

In August, we spent ten days in a number of communities and cities in the Northern Zone of Chiapas, interviewing some of the actors in the region.

We held meetings and interviews with several religious actors from Chiapas, particularly during the visit of the head of the Mexican division of the Catholic Cooperation Delegation of France.

On July 30, we attended the anniversary of the “Abejas” cooperative, “Maya Winik,” in the Chenalhó municipality of the Altos region.

In August, we attended the International Forum “Promoting Strategic Alliances in Chiapas: Indigenous Communities and Partnerships,” organized by various state government agencies and with the support of PRODESIS (Project for Integrated and Sustainable Social Development in the Lacandon Jungle, in collaboration with the European Union).

In August and September, we attended, as observers, 3 of the 6 planning meetings of the “Otra Campaña” (“Other Campaign”) organized by the Zapatista Army for National Liberation (EZLN), which took place in a number of communities in the Lacandon Jungle. We also attended the First Plenary Session of the “Other Campaign” at the Caracol of La Garrucha September 16-18.

At the end of September, we completed a tour through the state of Oaxaca. We met with various social organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to gain more information on the context of this state.

INFORMATION

We met with visitors, delegations (5), students, and journalists, primarily from the USA and Europe, helping them to understand the situation in Chiapas and SIPAZ`s work.

In July and September, we met with members of the Swiss Embassy in Mexico.

In September, we published an “informative bulletin” following the release of Felipe Arreaga, a campesino ecologist from Guerrero. We are developing a new section on the state of Guerrero on our website.

Over these three months, one member of our team is continuing a tour of various cities in Germany. Since the beginning of this tour in January, she has done 70 presentations about Chiapas and SIPAZ, 150 puppet shows about the reality of the indigenous communities of Chiapas (primarily at schools and public events), and two informative workshops on the transformation of conflicts. She has also done interviews with two representatives of the German government. She has participated in 20 events sharing information and experiences among pacifist and solidarity NGOs (such as CAREA and Peace Brigades- PBI Germany, both members of the SIPAZ coalition).

We continue to participate in the seminar series “The Works of Immanuel Wallerstein: A Grammar for Understanding the Current World From a Critical Perspective,” coordinated by the Immanuel Wallerstein Center for Study, Information and Documentation.

Twice a month, we continue to attend “En Voz Alta,” an open forum for reflection and analysis related to current events and topics of social interest.

NETWORKING AND COLLABORATION

We continue to participate in the Network for Peace, a space for action and reflection comprised of 15 organizations who seek to support processes of peace and reconciliation in Chiapas.

In August, we co-facilitated a two-day meeting of the Mexican Peace Builders Network, in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas.

We have held meetings in Chiapas with a number of organizations within our coalition: CAREA (Germany), Witness for Peace (USA), and SWEFOR (Sweden).

We attended the celebration of the 16^th anniversary of CIDECI (Center for Indigenous Training) at their new facilities in San Cristóbal.

PEACE EDUCATION

In July, we concluded a cycle of workshops “Introduction to the Transformation of Conflicts” with the organization GRAMIN/ALSOL, which provides micro-credits to indigenous women.

At the beginning of August, we participated in a round table discussion within the event “Building Unity” at the INESIN (Institute for Cross-Cultural Research and Study, the former Bible School) aong with a delegation of pastors from the United Church of Christ, from Wisconsin, USA.

In September, in collaboration with the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center, we co-facilitated workshops with groups of displaced peoples in the lower region of Tila, in the Northern Zone of Chiapas.