:: SITUATION

Ongoing armed conflict, expansion of other types of conflicts

In January, during his visit to Chiapas, from the very heart of the “conflict zone,” President Vicente Fox claimed that the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) is an issue that “now essentially remains in the past and everyone sees it going forward.” These statements unleasheda controversy. The COCOPA (Commission for Agreement and Pacification, a legislative body that has facilitated the strained negotiations between the EZLN and the Executive Branch) expressed an “extreme bewilderment,” although not on an official level, due to the lack of a quorum at the emergency session that was called because of these declarations.

Pablo Salazar Mendiguchía, Governor of Chiapas, was somewhat able to mend the unfortunate statement made by Fox, by saying: “I share his point of view that Zapatismo as an armed strategy is a thing of the past. We were speaking about the new expressions of Zapatismo, which are civilian in nature, and efforts within their own territory to provide themselves with new forms of coexistence.”

Many non-government organizations emphasized that the conflict in Chiapas continues unabated in its structural causes (see: http://www.sipaz.org/fini_eng.htm). They affirmed that the strategy of a “war of attrition” currently doesn’t feature direct conflict, but instead focuses on a series of military, political and economic strategies that aim to isolate the Zapatistas while sparking conflicts at the community level. More than anything else, the words of President Fox prove that the EZLN is not the biggest problem of the current government, which already finds itself embroiled in a heated premature struggle for the 2006 presidential elections, cornered by the growing problem of drug trafficking, and with legislative bills still pending, which take greater priority for his administration.

On the other side, the EZLN has maintained a kind of unofficial truce with the authorities on the state level. The group has opted for a strategy of non-confrontation that permits them to continue strengthening their process of constructing autonomy through the pragmatic way of facts (see Focus).

New Conflicts, Old Conflicts

On a state level, a multiplication of different types of conflicts can be seen. On one hand, there has been a reactivation of several peasant organizations, which brings with it a renewed confrontation with the state government. Some of these groups, like the CIOAC (The Independent Central of Farm Workers and Peasants), which once supported governor Pablo Salazar, now have turned their backs on him, questioning the lack of attention given to their demands. Other conflict fronts have come from teachers’ unions and the growing resistance movement against high electricity prices (see previous newsletter).

In addition, the conflict in the Biosphere Reserve in Montes Azules still continues. In January, more than 800 indigenous Tzeltales that had been living in seven communities around Ocosingo were relocated to the settlement of “New Montes Azules,” in the municipality of Palenque. It is worthwhile to highlight that these relocations can create new conflicts that are inter-ethnic in character, by grouping together families that speak different languages in the new settlements. The state continues to skirt the root causes of this problem rather than confronting them directly.

Three other phenomena that, up to now, have corresponded mostly to the border regions are beginning to extend to other regions of the state. They are: the growth of the maras salvatruchas (Salvadoran gangs) and drug trafficking, along with the denouncement of the ever more widespread trend of “femicide.” Chiapas ranks as one of the top five locations in the nation for murders of women.

Another theme of growing concern, from small villages to cities, is migration due to the lack of economic opportunities in the state. The government admitted that during 2004, Chiapas received $500 million in money transfers, the product of the work of thousands of migrants, and a 40% increase over the previous year. It is to be noted that these last three problems are not exclusive to Chiapas, but rather are found throughout the whole Central America.

On the eve of January 1, the date that the new municipal authorities took power after the elections from last October, demonstrations were held, highways were blocked, and confrontations took place in various municipalities (Oxchuc, Tila and Sabanilla, for example).

Tila was the most violent case. In this municipality of the northern zone, the PRI (Institutional Revolutionary Party) won by less than 100 votes over the Alianza PRD-PT (Alliance of the Democratic Revolutionary Party and the Workers’ Party). Both groups announced victory. Due to the lack of agreement, the issue was taken to the corresponding electoral institutions. The highest court, the Electoral Tribunal of Judicial Power of the Federation (TEPJF) declared the PRI, and its candidate Juan José Díaz Solórzano, victorious. Ignorant of this resolution, members of the Alianza PRD-PT staged a sit-in at the municipal palace in late December to prevent the new mayor from taking power. A resolution was sought by allowing Alianza members to participate in municipal court, but they refused since the posts were secondary.

On February 15th, there was a violent dispersal of the sit-in, and around 54 people were arrested, according to the numbers provided by the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Center (49 according to official numbers). Six houses were burnt, three cars were destroyed, and highways were blocked intermittently. At least 800 armed members of the Policía Sectorial (Sectorial Police) and the Agencia Estatal de Investigaciones (State Investigations Agency) took part in the action.

The first operation took place in the morning. Members of the Alianza set fire to a few houses and took five people prisoner in order to exchange them for 19 people previously detained by the police (they were released later that day). In the afternoon, a strongly armed police contingent selectively searched a few houses again. Thirty-five more people were arrested. On this day, many Tila inhabitants, mainly Alianza supporters, chose to take refuge in the mountains, in different cities of the area, and even outside Chiapas. On February 28th 30 of those arrested were released; the rest remain in prison.

The parish priest of Tila, Heriberto Cruz, noted that tension in the region had resurfaced due to the post-election conflicts and to the revival of the paramilitary group ‘Paz y Justicia’ (Peace and Justice). He stated that in such a context, the police evictions “reopened the wounds of the indigenous people of Tila” and also “put peace at risk.”

In the days following the evictions, Samuel Sánchez Sánchez, founder and leader of ‘Paz y Justicia’ was arrested. This arrest was described as “late and insufficient” by the Fray Bartolomé Human Rights Center. Currently, Petalcingo, another main city in the Northern Region, is still occupied by police, and more evictions are feared.

All these facts take us back to the question of who actually won the elections. The permanent rotation of candidates between PRI-PRD-PT, so characteristic of the Northern Region, puts in evidence the deep identity crisis in which these political parties are immersed. For example in Tila, the municipal presidency was being disputed by two quarreling factions of ‘Paz y Justicia’. On one side, the PRI is mostly made up of members of UCIAF (a group that split from ‘Paz y Justicia’); on the other, there were also former leaders of ‘Paz y Justicia’ in the PRD-PT Alliance.

© PROMEDIOS

Even though the dispute was mainly due to the PRI’s internal struggles, people traditionally linked to the PRD also expressed their disapproval of the PRI candidate. The violent military operation did not take into account this complexity, nor the fragile situation in the Northern Region. The excessive attack by police struck a weak spot: the breaking down of the social fabric.

In order to better understand the context in which this conflict developed, it is useful to review a few issues that some would like to consider no longer relevant. On February 9th the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Human Rights Center made public a complaint about human rights violations in the Northern Region of Chiapas, which had been previously submitted to the Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (Interamerican Human Rights Comission) in October 2004. They delayed in making it public in order to guarantee the safety of the plaintiffs, but the chosen date was not a coincidence.

On February 9, 1995, the government of Ernesto Zedillo launched a military offensive to capture the Zapatista leadership. After this date there was a marked change in the military’s strategy. There was a significant escalation of violence against Zapatistas and the civilian population by paramilitary groups, such as ‘Paz y Justicia,’ which left thousands displaced and dozens murdered or disappeared. The complaint accuses former President Ernesto Zedillo of crimes against humanity in his role as Commander in Chief of the Mexican Armed Forces. It also levies the same charge against General Enrique Cervantes Aguirre, former Secretary of National Defense and General Mario Renán Castillo, former Commander of the Seventh Military Region.

The Fray Bartolomé Human Rights Center specified that, the same as in the Ch’ol region, justice still hasn’t been served in Acteal (December 2004 marked the seventh anniversary of the massacre), among other cases. The group denounced the fact that paramilitary groups have neither disarmed nor disbanded, that those responsible for planning and carrying out the attack remain unpunished, and that no reparations have been made to the victims of forced displacement, murder, disappearances and torture. The Center’s complaint emphasizes that an “invisible war” still continues in Chiapas.

The National Situation is Equally Complex

Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s (AMLO) desafuero issue (the attempt to disqualify him from running for president) remains a central matter in the national political debate. It should be known that a request has been made by the Procuraduría General de la República (the Office of the Procurator General of the Republic) to strip AMLO, the mayor of México City, of his right to run for office by prosecuting him for his alleged abuse of power and non-compliance with a court order demanding him to stop the construction of two roads. This could prevent his candidacy. The excessive media coverage of this issue has overwhelmed citizens, which could be part of the strategy. Mexicans are largely against this arbitrary action of the federal government. In the past few months there were several demonstrations and many citizen support committees are still being formed. Regarding attacks from the current President, AMLO himself declaredthat “President Fox is my best campaign manager.”

President Fox and his PAN (National Action Party) Party, when not making accusations against the governor of the capital, limit themselves to issuing messages in favor of “legality.” The PRI has had a certain amount of success in defining the debate, and has taken advantage of the situation to iron out internal differences and strengthen itself through state elections. After regaining ground in the northern states, and with its victories in Veracruz, Oaxaca and Puebla, the PRI is currently in control of the north, east and south of the country. They have cornered the central and western states, which are governed by PAN and the PRD. However, the PRD’s victory in Guerrero opened an important space in the south, a traditional PRI stronghold.

Even the EZLN has joined the debate about the desafuero with an apparently impartial position. After the indigenous reforms of 2001, which was considered a “betrayal” by the EZLN, they broke off communication with political parties. However, the Zapatistas expressed their strong disapproval to the process of desafuero. They emphasized that even though they do not support AMLO or the PRD, they are against the desafuero process since ‘it is not only illegitimate, but also illegal and unfair”, adding that it would be a “pre-emptive coup detach.”

For their part, represantives of Mexican banks, considering a possible victory of the PRD on the presidential elections, stated that a left-wing president would not be a threat for the country’s economy. This statement differs from the one that bankers previously made, when they predicted economic disaster if the presidency was won by a left-wing party.

On the other hand, the last few months have witnessed the tough war waged by drug traffickers against the federal government, with tens of policemen executed in several states around the country. A number of people have been arrested for being suspected of having infiltrated various state agencies,and even Los Pines (residence of the President). The decision made to militarize the high security prison at La Palma, as well as other prisons, due to the infiltration of drug tsars among prison workers.

The US State Department issued its annual report on human rights in México, pointing out serious problems regarding police and army corruption, kidnappings and extortion carried out by state and local policemen, arbitrary arrests, confessions made under torture, and extrajudicial murders committed by cops and army personnel, along with the “poor” state of human rights, especially in the states of Guerrero, Oaxaca and Chiapas.

José Luis Soberness, president of the Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos (National Human Rights Commission), declared that the US has no moral authority to criticize México on this matter, but recognized that “it is unfortunately true.” However, Condolezza Rice, US Secretary of State, assured during her visit to the country that the White House “is not targeting México.” Referring to the next presidential elections she also declared that the US government would accept any type of government in México “as long as it is within the democratic parameters.”

In late February, the representative of the United Nations High Commission on Human Rights in the country, Anders Kompass, affirmed that México is “the last in the line” of Latin American nations in terms of administration of justice, and urged that legislative and legal frameworks be improved in order to protect the individual constitutional rights of citizens.

Even though the case of Digna Ochoa’s death is already closed, and that of Noel Pavél (see urgent actions of SIPAZ) is about to be concluded, both still lack justice. In January, replying to the letter written last September by Bernardo Bátiz Vázquez, Attorney General of Mexico City (PGJDF), sub-commander Marcos stated: “What the PGJDF has done, Señor Bátiz, did not uncover the truth nor administer justice. The only thing intended, and achieved, was the gaining of the support of the right wing by discrediting two people who were worth more than all the Mexico City Government workers combined. And it has been done in the most shameful way: by defiling their deaths.” He demanded that the General Attorney reopen the case on Digna and force his officials to behave responsibly, seriously and efficiently in the case of Pavél. For his part, Bátiz approved the conclusion that human rights lawyer Digna Ochoa and Noel Pavél both committed suicide. However, in February, the second court in criminal affairs ordered the PGJDF to reopen the investigation of the death of Digna Ochoa.

:: FOCUS

The Path of the Caracol Towards Autonomy

‘Autonomy is the work. That the people have the choice to exercise their rights. It is a way of fighting, fair and sensible. Working on health care and other issues is a weapon of struggle that does not shoot bullets, but words, which are calling on humanity.’
(Junta de Buen Gobierno de Morelia – Council of Good Government of Morelia)

Traveling through Chiapas one comes across a number of signs reading: “You are in Zapatista Territory in rebellion. Here the people rule and the government obeys.” It means that you are going through a territory inhabited by civilian support bases of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN).

The Zapatista communities have organized themselves since 1994 in Zapatista Rebel Autonomous Municipalities (MAREZ), ruled by an Autonomous Council formed by representatives of the communities. The MAREZ overlap the constitutional municipalities both geographically and politically, and, as a parallel structure to official policy, they make their own educational, health and legal decisions. Resistance means not accepting government projects or money.

In 2001, a constitutional reform about indigenous rights and culture was passed, claiming by doing this to have complied with the San Andrés Accords. To the EZLN and the Indigenous National Congress (CNI), such reform perpetuates the State paternalism over the indigenous people, without recognizing their self-government. That is why they determined the construction of autonomy through the pragmatic way, considering the San Andrés Accords to be a valid law enforced in their territories.

In August 2003 the Zapatistas created the Juntas del Buen Gobierno (JBG) Councils of Good Government as a new level of their autonomous organization. The JBG are formed by the Autonomous Councils’ authorities, who switch every 7,15 or 30 days, depending on each region.

There are 5 Councils of Good Government whose headquarters are in the Caracoles, placed where the ‘Aguascalientes’ originally used to be and that were meeting points of civil society with the Zapatistas. The Caracoles are a symbolic representation of a direct open gate to the Zapatista autonomous life.

In all the Caracoles one can find houses decorated with faces of Zapata, of sub-commander Marcos, war martyrs or corns wearing balaclavas. In Oventik you can buy at the women’s craftsmanship cooperatives, or buy hammocks in Roberto Barrios . In La Garrucha you can find the ‘cyber pozol’ at the Smaliyel cafeteria. Both in La Realidad and in Morelia you can see movies at the diner-cafeterias. In all of them you will find the Civilian Peace Camps, built for human rights observers and movement supporters.

From the Caracoles, the Councils of Good Government talked to us about their autonomy, progress, constraints and challenges.

“Govern by obeying”

The Zapatista Caracols make visible the construction of the autonomy that the Zapatista support bases carried out even before 1994. Even further, they represent the “ways of living and working” that the indigenous peoples have practiced for centuries in order to culturally resist colonization and marginalization. “Our autonomy is something that has been in progress for many years and has been maintained with its own customs, forms of decision-making and its own language. It has been developing for a long time, because the ways of the indigenous do not coincide with the ways of the official government. And we decide on the way to “govern by obeying” with our own authorities so that they help us and that we also help ourselves; autonomy belongs to everyone (Council of Good Government, La Garrucha).

Zapatista autonomy is based on the right to elect its authorities under the principle of “govern by obeying.” “The idea of the communities is to govern themselves for themselves, basing their struggle in the principle that power is in the people. In our community, the people discuss for a while what we propose to the authorities. But, as authorities, we are only representatives. Above us there is a power: the power of the people. The people have problems that they do not always discuss; if they haven’t discussed an issue, it is simply their problem. But if we do something that the people do not know, then we are criticized. We have to accept this.” (Council of Good Government , La Realidad)

Autonomy does not happen only in the political sphere, but also in the cultural and economic ones. “Autonomy is done by practicing; for example, in the cornfields, with what the people are harvesting, they’re not going to use ‘gramoxon’ (pesticide) anymore. We know that chemicals are a poison for us. One part of what we are doing is changing over to the natural insecticide that is made in the cornfields, and people are using it. It is the people themselves who are using it because our ancestors never used chemicals. Autonomy is acted out in different ways; for us it means to stop depending on the government for anything, especially in products which affect us as indigenous peoples, like transgenics.” (Council of Good Government, Roberto Barrios)

The communities are building their own educational programs, health systems and forms of trade. They are seeking out a way to have greater self-sufficiency in regards to food, at a time in which the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has limited the existence of fair markets for agricultural goods, such as coffee, corn or beans.

The process of autonomy is slow going, because, as they shared with us, ‘What has the most weight is the practical part. Talking is very easy, but doing is something else. Theory has a value, but it is not the most important thing.’ (Council of Good Government, Morelia)

Education

At the educational level, schools exist in almost all of the municipalities and they have indigenous educational promoters from the same communities. The promoters are trained in workshops, which are supported, either directly or through economical contributions, by the national and international civil society. In the region of Oventik, they started their autonomous educational system with a secondary school, to follow later with a primary school. The Caracol receives youngsters from the different municipalities, who stay there to study at the secondary school. In other regions, like in Morelia, each municipality has a primary and secondary school and they dream of having their own university. ‘We don’t want to have the same system nor compare the government’s education to ours, but their model doesn’t work for the indigenous peoples nor for the Zapatistas, that is why our schools have a different approach than that of the government. Theirs is individual and selfish; they prepare the student to serve the businessman so as not to lose the business pattern. They don’t teach about relationships with nature. Autonomous education helps the people and the organization because the children learn not to serve the boss but rather to put their knowledge at the service of everyone.’ (Council of Good Government, Morelia)

In Roberto Barrios, children start in an educational project called “Semillita del Sol” (Little Seed of the Sun) and then move to the Zapatista Autonomous Technical Cultural Center (CCTAZ), where students decide what area they want to dedicate themselves to. They prefer not to utilize the system of grades in their educational system, in contrast to the government schools, in order not to exclude any student and to allow each of them to advance according to his or her abilities.

The educational content in the schools is born of the communities’ needs. “The pedagogical-political method of our education is different; we don’t grab subjects as they do in regular schools. We created subject areas; in the area of Language, we group all of our languages together with Spanish. They also study ‘Histories’, so that all learn about the Zapatista struggle and the different struggles against those who oppress us. ‘Life and the Environment’ is studied too, which covers ‘life and natural resources.’ “ (Council of Good Government, La Garrucha)

In autonomous education and health, humanity and dignity are valued above money; recovering the sense of “collective good.” Education and health are essential to the Zapatista way of conceiving of the “good life” for all. ‘In our organization there is no vision of serving in exchange for money; work is born of the conscience.’ (Council of Good Government, Morelia)

The promoters are chosen by the community and they don’t receive a salary. As a result, one of the greatest challenges facing the autonomous educational system is preventing the desertion of promoters when communities are not able to provide them with enough support.

Health

Another great advance of the autonomous municipalities is in the area of health. There are regional clinics in Oventik and La Garrucha, and in the community of San José del Río, in the region of La Realidad, they have a hospital where they have practiced more than ten surgeries in their own operating room, thanks to the solidarity and support of doctors coming from Comitán.

Their aim is for each municipality to have a small drugstore and for each community to have health promoters who can take care of illnesses. The training of the promoters is similar to that which is provided in the educational programs. In the area of health they work to train the promoters in different specialties: gynecology, dentistry, laboratory work, pediatrics and herbal medicines. ‘The idea is that those who know medicinal plants are the elders. Young people don’t know what plants are for. Therefore we need to rescue this wisdom before they go six feet down. They prepared the elders to be the teachers. Some promoters are trained in chemical medicines and others in natural medicines.’ (Council of Government, La Realidad)

When there is enough medicine in the drugstores (from donations from civil society), those that are a part of the Zapatista support bases don’t pay for them. However, when there’s a shortage, they have to pay the cost of the medicine. The doctor’s visit is also free for those that form part of the support base. On the other hand, “non-Zapatistas” have to pay for the doctor’s visit and medications at cost. Many people from other organizations prefer to go to the Zapatista medical centers because promoters there speak their same language and they assist the sick respectfully. ‘Health is from humanity. There is a great and palpable problem with medicines and the attention to the sick. Women mainly are very afraid to go to hospitals. We are marginalized in official hospitals; these are not a dignified space for us.’ (Council of Good Government, Morelia)

In health programs, attention is being focused on the prevention of illness through the improvement of hygiene and nutrition. For this reason, in La Garrucha’s Caracol, they have put into effect a “holistic plan” which includes the construction of latrines, personal hygiene, the cultivation of vegetables and obtaining vaccinations. In Morelia, individual and collective health is addressed in the educational materials used in the autonomous school.

Economic Autonomy

During the last few years, autonomous municipalities have created abarrotes (small commercial centers) and cooperatives in order to generate finances for their ‘non-monetary’ projects (health and education) and in order to be more economically independent. ‘Speaking of trade, we already have developed work, as in the coffee cooperatives. The cooperatives export coffee at an international level (Mut Vitz, Yachil Xolojobal). We also have women’s artisan cooperatives: Mujeres por la Dignidad (Women for Dignity), Xiluchon and Niximrosa. In addition, we have a shoe workshop. They make all kinds of boots and shoes used by people. Collective tasks are done in the communities. Women, for example, work in the bread workshop, in the care of animals and in the vegetable gardens.

These are examples of the works that are done by both men and women so that our support bases can survive and, in this way, continue to maintain the resistance. We don’t worry much about crumbs from the government. We have our own work.’ (Council of Good Government, Oventik)

There is collective work, like cattle, coffee and the cornfields, but the most difficult challenge is how to market the products at fair prices. This year they managed to raise the price of coffee in the region of La Realidad, because the Caracol bought the coffee and transported it to Tapachula, where buyers paid more than the coyotes (middlemen who transport products for sale from rural areas to larger markets). ‘We began to think that, since we have the ‘Chómpiras’ (the region’s truck), we can do better in the sale of coffee. We hate the cheating coyotes. They pay 12.5 pesos per kilogram of coffee. In Tapachula, they pay up to 17 pesos per kilo. We began to do the calculations and, with our truck, we saw that we could pay our compañeros and also non-Zapatistas - up to 14.5 pesos per kilo. On the day we announced that, many people arrived here, and the others weren’t able buy. And then coyotes started to pay more than we did: 15 pesos per kilo. The important thing is that they pay more, but the compañeros know that what the Council of Good Government earns is going to be used for the benefit of the people. Coyotes stopped buying. The most difficult thing is the economic self-sufficiency.’ (Council of Good Government, La Realidad)

The challenge is to depend less on external products and developing their own production and self-consumption is a constant preoccupation in all of the autonomous regions. In Roberto Barrios, they have initiated the area of agro-ecology in order to diversify their crops and also to be able to market them. They are thinking about being able to exchange products with other regions.

It is still difficult to stop consuming products from transnational companies. ‘We have not been able to avoid it because our people lack the necessary level of awareness. Everyone craves it, and we get thirsty and drink Coca-cola and eat ‘Sabritas.’ Eventually we hope to be able to organize ourselves better to not consume these products. But doing so is very difficult. Little by little we’re seeing which things benefit the people and which ones don’t, but we are always going step by step. Our walking will say it. We don’t need to prohibit certain products, but instead raise awareness about them. It’s about a matter of training and information; the media and the information we receive have a great impact. The important thing is that the questions and the reflections are sparked and that they are grounded in action, because the most powerful thing is acting, doing. The Council of Good Government prohibiting something is not enough.’ (Council of Good Government, Morelia).

Justice

During this year of government, the principal conflicts we dealt with have been agrarian. The Councils of Good Government seek the mediation of the parties involved in order to transform conflicts: ‘We think and we believe that there is another way to apply justice, without money in between. The investigation is first; going to see the facts, we work a lot on conciliation, on mediation, on being neutral. After that, we call together the involved parties. We frequently work with the law of the uses and customs of communities. We know that there are also bad customs. The elders are very important for raising awareness. If someone stole something, we have to take a look at why he stole, because everyone is in need. We work with both parties. Then there is a sentencing and if the person recognizes what he has done, he does some collective work.’ (Good Government Council, Morelia)

In the border region (La Realidad), there are many problems with the trafficking of undocumented immigrants. At the time of our visit, they had detained a “pollero” (trafficker of migrants), since in the Zapatista territories, the trafficking of people, drugs, alcohol and arms is prohibited. The “pollero” was sanctioned by the Council of Good Government to work for six months on the construction of a bridge for the benefit of the communities so that he can reflect on his actions.

Non-Zapatistas also take their conflicts to the Councils of Good Government in order to resolve them there, since impunity and corruption still prevail in the official justice system. In one Council of Good Government they shared with us that one compañero from a non-Zapatista organization had received help from the municipal presidency for his travel to the Council of Good Government, showing us a copy of the citation from the Council.

Through their autonomy, the Zapatista communities are not only regenerating their culture by rescuing their languages, their methods of cultivation, and their own wisdom, but they are also attempting to make participatory democracy into a reality. Paradoxically, something so logical and reasonable becomes a struggle of resistance against a world that is adrift and in which the crying out by humanity represents opposing the “development” imposed by the capitalist world system. Zapatista autonomy is contributing to the creation of a crack in the structure of this world organization where capital is valued above human values and where the market prevails over ethics. The Zapatistas are showing a way, their way. They act, walk, and ask themselves. We, seated in front of them, cannot do anything else than look within ourselves and wonder: what are we doing to transform this world where inequity and violence are necessary to increase the richness of a few ones?

:: ARTICLE

World Social Forum V: political tourism or genuine building of alternatives?

The Fifth World Social Forum (WSF) was held last January 26th-31st in Porto Alegre, Brazil. It coincided for the first time with the World Economic Forum (WEF), at which the world's financial and political leaders gather. The WSF seeks to function as a counterweight to the WEF by being "an open meeting space to...articulate effective actions...that oppose neoliberalism and the domination of the world by capital or any other form of imperialism." (From the statement of principles of the WSF).

The numbers from Porto Alegre 2005 seem to indicate a great success: more than 150,000 participants came from 135 countries, 6800 journalists attended, there were 2500 activities, 2800 volunteers and 352 final documents produced (for example, see the "Call of Social Movements Against War, Neoliberalism, Exploitation and Exclusion, for Another World is Possible.")

The WSF has become a gigantic space that has gone far past the ideas of its creators. Outside of the official Forums (including global, continental, and thematic ones) that have been developing with widespread social participation since 2001, the WSF has also been credited with playing a crucial role in the global protest against the Iraq war which mobilized 10 million people on 4 continents on February 15th, 2003.

Nevertheless, my impressions after living the recent Forum do not entirely coincide with the feelings of the Venezuelan President, Hugo Chávez, who called it "the most important political event in the world."

A giant carnival?

Upon arriving at the extensive space in which the Forum's activities were planned, at the shore of the Guaiba river, it was impossible to stop wondering if this was an event intended to give birth to "another possible world" or if it was a trip to the beach. People were, understandably, dressed for the heat of the Brazilian summer, the ambiance was relaxed and the place smelled of suntan lotion. It was also easy to wonder whether the people would be in the nearly 500 tents of different sizes which would host the "official" activities or whether the "real action" would be in the streets.

In Porto Alegre, it is frowned upon to sympathize with the Brazilian President, Lula da Silva, as he is strongly questioned by the majority of the Brazilian population present at the WSF. Nevertheless, I agree somewhat with his description of the WSF: "an ideological fair." In fact, in the "hallways" of the gathering, many people question the format and the validity of the meeting. Others referred to the risks it faces. For example, Paul Nichols from Vía Campesina argued that the WSF "should not be a forum for tourism but a space of social struggles against neoliberalism". The Portuguese winner of the Nobel Prize for Literature, José Saramago, mentioned the risk of the Forum becoming a simple "Mecca for leftist pilgrimages and discussions about utopias". James Petras said, "The Forum has no political content; it is just a big happening, where the world gets together and each person talks about her own causes, but which lacks any coherence or expression." Personally, not even during the massive march did I feel the power of a militant committment or of a real construction. Rather, I found a search for answers to questions of all kinds, from the individual to the social. In other words, I felt what Benedetti calls "such a well-attended solitude."

The WSF faces its own contradictions

According to some, the WSF could certainly fall victim to its own success. Its giant size and the diversity of agendas and interests represented at it make it difficult to focus. Also, there are opposing forces within the Forum that could end up fracturing it.

Elitism vs. social participation

It is obvious that it is difficult for the representatives of social movements to go on such an expensive trip. In many respects, including the election of Porto Alegre, a "developed" city according to the North's criteria, the Forum is designed in large part by and for the First World. The idea of decentralizing the Forum has been proposed: in 2007, the Forum should be held in an African country. But for the moment, apart from the massive Brazilian presence, the majority of the rest of the participants came from the North or had their participation costs covered by organizations from the North.

Another level in which there is a certain amount of elitism, is in the space given to the best-known public figures and personalities. This is not only the responsibility of the organizers, but also of the participants. It seems that we have more capacity for listening when we value the speaker more.

Pragmatism v. utopia

Two main factions can be seen within the Forum. The first believes that the WSF is not practical or concrete, but rather that it is an opportunity to move from criticism and discussion to solutions and actions. To combat the Forum's tendency toward atomization, they suggest selecting a few points of focus for the struggle.

The other group maintains that the Forum should be a horizontal space for dialogue and articulation, and that it should be free from discrimination and heirarchy. This group believes that to set priorities for the Forum contradicts its own spirit, which is reflected in the Letter of Principles that defines the WSF as "an open meeting space" which "does not claim to be representative of global civil society."

Obviously there are differences between those who arrive for the first time and those who have attended in other years and now want to move to another level. An example of this is the "Porto Alegre Manifesto. Twelve proposals for another possible world", signed by various personalities (although they recognize that they do not speak for the Forum). I thought of the saying of the Zapatistas from Chiapas: "walk at the pace of the slowest one."

Similarly, there is also a tension between reformist attitudes (respecting state structures) and the options of struggle that propose a total system transformation.

The risk of cooptation

Another risk that has been pointed out, and from which the WSF has never been completely able to avoid, is cooptation by political actors.

Those most radical question how much it has become a space for catharsis that helps to avoid direct confrontation with the capitalist system. To make the comparison with Carnaval, as it is celebrated in my town (albeit with less sequins and rhythm as in Rio): one day a year, people can make fun of each other, and especially of the authorities, with impunity. But the next day, everything goes back to normal.

A final point of concern is the almost systematic absense of any real debate. Almost all of the events follow a panel format, followed by "debate between all of the participants." Many times this second part becomes a conversation where neither side listens. Whatever the topic of the event, often, each participant insists on returning to his own cause that brought them to the Forum.

And yet, there is much to save...

Greater convergence

First, the event was moved from the elitist Catholic University of Porto Alegre to outdoor spaces, where 205 auditoriums and 295 tents were erected, in large part with recycled or natural materials. The pollution of the river was striking in comparison. This effort toward greater convergence that embodies the changes that the Forum proposes to the rest of the world is also evident in other details like the backpacks for the participants, the toilets, the food stands, etc, all of which followed the logic of economic solidarity.

There were also organizational and methodological changes aimed at developing a more bottom-up process. All of the activities were suggested by the participants and none were imposed by the organizers, unlike before when the latter would make the decisions about the main conferences, their topics, and their speakers.

Multiple encounters

Within this Babel, the possibility for encounters appears infinite: North-South, South-North, North-North, South-South, South in the North and North in the South. Another language is reinvented. Out of necessity, and in a way that is rare for people in their home country, they make a sincere effort to communicate. Discussion, theorizing, effeciency in producing agreements or concrete products is not everything; there are also the formal and informal meetings of so many people. Each person's contribution and the convergence of so many paths in one place should not be devalued. A huge range of searches and meanings are found in the wide-ranging program. It is difficult to find any kind of social transformation that is missing. There is no other space where this degree of diversity can be seen. The WSF is not "a" Forum, but rather many Forums at once.

Seeds of hope?

The richness of the WSF lies precisely in its diversity. The way to fight against a hegemonic model is through fostering diversity, not by substituting one dominant model for another. Jorge Santiago, from the Chiapan NGO DESMI (Economic and Social Development of Mexican Indigenous), who was also at Porto Alegre, told us later that the WSF "is like a huge present, which will probably include a lot of wasted paper. Also, remember the Biblical parable of the weeds. Seeds of change are being sown. They will not produce 150,000 fruits, and not all of them will become agents of change. But nonetheless, a new element can come from there. In any case, the world is not going to change there, in Brazil, but rather wherever you are. It is an invitation to keep on working where you are, from your own place of struggle." I fully agree with him: time to get to work!

:: SIPAZ ACTIVITIES

January-March 2005

Contacts, international presence, and accompainment

During February and March, we met at least one time with each of the five Zapatista Councils of Good Government, primarily to do interviews, which nourish the focus of this report.

In February, we participated in a reflecton space on the topic of international accompaniment convened by the Fray Bartolomé de las Casas Center for Human Rights, along with several other international organizations that maintain a presence in Chiapas.

In March, we went to the lowland area of Tila in the northern region of Chiapas to interview different actors about the regional context, specifically focusing on the post-election conflicts in the municipal seat and on the police operation that removed the protesters from the municipal building in February.

In March, we met with Juan Esponda from the Commission for Reconciliation of communities divided from the state government to discuss the situation in the northern zone.

We met with and interviewed various Chiapan religious leaders.

In March, we participated in a roundtable on peace, in the context of a meeting/workshop sponsored by the Baptist church, along with indigenous Chiapan participants.

Information

We received visitors, delegations, students, and journalists, primarily from the United States and Europe, to inform them about the Chiapas context and SIPAZ's work. We received more delegations than usual. Included among those from the USA were one of African-Americans, the Sustainable Solutions caravan (www.sustainablesolutionscaravan.org), one of attorneys and one of students from a Quaker school. From Canada, we had one of students and another composed of representatives of various native peoples from that country.

In March, in San Cristóbal de las Casas, we gave a talk about the northern region (the region of the state where we have maintained our strongest presence since 1998) in the "Thinking Out Loud" space for reflexion and analysis on current events.
We were interviewed by the television program "At the bar", from the Chiapas state channel 10, to speak about the concept of Peace and the work of SIPAZ.

During these months, one member of our team has been on a speaking tour of several cities in Germany.

We continue to participate in the seminar "The work of Immanuel Wallerstein: a grammar for understanding the contemporary world with a critical perspective" coordinated by the Immanuel Wallerstein Center for Studies, Information, and Documentation, of the University of the Land--Chiapas and by the Indigenous Center for Integral Training (CIDECI).

Connections and articulation

From the 26th to the 31st of January, we attended the World Social Forum V in Porto Alegre, Brazil. We participated most directly in the event "Toward a Latin American concept of Peace," coordinated by the Latin American Network of Peace Builders (REDLAPAZ). We also participated in the seminar sponsored by Service, Peace and Justice (SERPAJ), member group of the SIPAZ coalition, entitled "Building a culture of peace from social movements."

We continue to participate in the Network for Peace, a space for action and reflection composed of 15 organizations that seek to support peace and reconciliation processes in Chiapas. In February, as part of the Network, we met with the group, Peace with Democracy, in which many Mexican intellectuals participate, in the context of that group's visit to Chiapas to meet with the Councils of Good Government.

From the 18th to the 20th of February, we attended the Second Meeting of Communities in Nature Reserves and Campesinas for the Defense of Our Land and its Natural Resources, in the community of Nuevo Francisco León, in Chiapas. More than 350 representatives and around 50 indigenous communities attended.

During these months, we trained two foreigners on the aspects and implications of international accompainment to prepare them to work with Raúl Gatica, a member of the Ricardo Flores Magón Popular Indigenous Council of Oaxaca (CIPO-RFM), in the context of the precautionary measures recommended by the Interamerican Commission for Human Rights (CIDH) in Washington, D.C.

From March 16th-18th, we participated in a workshop entitled "Responding to conflicts" organized by PROPAZ (Swiss Platform for Peace in Chiapas) and facilitated by Sue Williams, from Birmingham School.