PROJECT OF OBSERVATION AND MONITORING OF POLITICAL AND CIVIL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLES OF CHIAPAS
MONTHLY REPORT
NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 2006
SIPAZ, in collaboration with the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center, Alianza Cívica, PROPAZ (Swiss Program of Observation and Peace Promotion in Chiapas), and Peace Watch Switzerland, has been developing a program, in Chiapas, of observation and monitoring with regards to political and civil rights during the electoral process as well as that of the Other Campaign, which extended until December 2006.
The objective is to monitor and report any violation of the political and civil rights of the indigenous peoples and communities, as defined in the Mexican Political Constitution and in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of the United Nations, signed by the Mexican government. This program also aims to report any attempt to create serious social destabilization, and as such, to work to prevent or avoid increased situations of violence against the communities.
What follows is a summary of the program in the months of November and December. The complete report will be available (in Spanish) on the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center website.
Executive Summary
December 1, with the presidential oath taken by Felipe Calderón before the Congress, marked the peak and the conclusion of the electoral process at the federal level.
This tense ceremony was carried out expeditiously before a polarized legislature in a militarized environment. Hours before, in a late-night, private ceremony, also under military presence, Fox had formally transferred the presidency to Calderón.
After a quick appearance at the Legislative Building as a president, Calderón gave his first political speech before 8,000 invitees, including mainly politicians and entrepreneurs, protected by another impressive security operation.
In his message, Calderón announced an “austerity” decree that implied: a 10% reduction in the remuneration paid to the high-ranking civil servants of the Federal Government (with the exception of those belonging to military and security forces); electoral reforms; a program of public security; a widening of the health insurance program for the children as well as of the social program “Oportunidades”, the social insurance (“seguro popular”) and school grants.
Many of these proposals had already been put forward by Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO). Some political analysts saw this as an attempt by Calderón to steal ground from his opponent.
Nevertheless, the nomination by Calderón of the members of his cabinet, seem to point towards a neoliberal continuity in the economic sector, a “compassionate conservatism” in the social sector, and an iron fist in internal politics.
As a proof of this, the nominations of Agustín Carstens (former director of the International Monetary Fund) as the secretary for the Industry, José Ángel Montoya to the Department of Health, and Alberto Cárdenas to the Agriculture Department (both considered to be “hawks” in the PAN) and, finally, Francisco Ramírez Acuña as the Minister of the Interior. Ramírez Acuña has been known in the past for his alleged repressive attitude as mayor of Guadalajara and as governor of Jalisco.
This political tendency seemed to be confirmed by the proposed federal budget sent for approval to the Congress. Among the different proposals in the document is, on the one hand, the cut of funding for education, culture, science, technology, agriculture and environment and, on the other hand, the increase in funding for the Army, the Navy, the security forces, the reduction of the internal and external debt and the recovery of the bank system.
Meanwhile, AMLO called for two major mobilizations, both in the “zócalo” (Mexico City’s main square). The first one took place on 20 November where he was “inaugurated” as “legitimate president”. The second one, on December 1st, eventually turned into a pacific march that attempted to reach the Auditorio Nacional (where Calderón was giving his speech). This march was blocked by the security forces and dispersed with no significant incident being reported.
Days before, AMLO had nominated his “legitimate cabinet” in which he vowed to elaborate a project for an alternative federal budget and a proposal for an anti-monopoly bill (“Ley de Precios Competitivos”). Both proposals were brought to the Congress by the Wide Progressive Front (Frente Amplio Progresista, which includes the Party of the Democratic Revolution, PRD, the Labor Party, PT, and Convergencia).
An openly repressive security forces operation took place in Oaxaca on November 25th and was conducted by the Federal Preventive Police (PFP). The operation took place after a large demonstration organized by the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO). According to some sources, infiltrated provocateurs incited young radicals to conduct violent acts including the burning of buildings, some of which bear historical relevance, which lead to a direct violent confrontation with the security forces and an indiscriminate repression of the protesters. The initial estimate, according to non-governmental sources, reported an indefinite number of injured, 31 disappeared people and 203 people being detained (142 of which were immediately transferred to the Nayarit state prison and described by the authorities as “highly dangerous”).
At the root of these facts is a climate of persecution, arbitrary detentions, torture and terror tosuch an extent that some spokespersons of the Catholic Church and some local intellectuals denounced the existence of “a de facto state of exception” and of a “real risk of a civil war in Oaxaca”.
As a consequence, the federal government ordered the implementation of 200 arrest warrants against the whole leadership of the APPO. On 4 December, Flavio Sosa –the most exposed by the media- and three other leaders of the movement were arrested while they were in Mexico City, before a meeting with the Ministry of Interior (SEGOB) that had previously been agreed to by both parts.
Despite this, Oaxaca’s popular movement organized another large demonstration demanding again the resignation of governor Ulises Ruiz and the immediate liberation of all of Oaxaca’s political prisoners.
Regarding the Other Campaign, the national tour concluded on November 30th, after covering –according to the organizers- 47,890 km visiting all the states of the country. At the end of this tour, the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandona Jungle Commission (Sixth Commission) formed by the EZLN (Zapatista Army of National Liberation) published a communiqué. In it, they reiterated their support for the people of Oaxaca, invited to organize a “world-wide mobilization for Oaxaca on December 22nd, and summarized what was seen and heard during their long tour. They affirm that in Mexico, “after XXth Century what comes next is XIXth Century” as far as the social, economic and political conditions of the poor and from below people are similar to the ones that existed during the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz (1877-1910).
The Zapatista communiqué ends with a wager, in the sense that, “while those who look above return to their daily lives and ask about 2012 (the next presidential elections), from below, the Other Campaign will continue to ask who will form the National Plan of Struggle and what will that struggle be. And so, the calendar of those from above will be broken and a different one will continue from below and on the left.”
In Chiapas, Juan Sabines Guerrero (JSG) took oath as the new governor. Despite the fact that the electoral process was similar to the federal one, in the state, there was no post-electoral conflict, nor setbacks in the official ceremony in which JSG assumed the governorship.
However, according to local analysts, the small margin of JSG can be seen in his cabinet: it is said that his predecessor, Pablo Salazar Mendiguchía (PSM), who is also considered as his “political godfather”, managed to impose 13 officials that are identified as unconditional to him at the highest levels. Some of them are in key political positions: Ministry of the Interior, Administration, Social Development and Coordination of counselors.
On another hand, it is also said that JSG had to reward well known members of Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI) that supported him during the electoral process with key positions in his cabinet: for example, Roberto Albores Guillen (whose son received the Ministry of Economic Promotion) or to the ex candidate for governor and ex senator, Sami David (to whom a new position was created: director of Strategic Projects Corporation). Both structures would be directly linked to works and investments for the revived Puebla Panama Plan.
Two other occurrences in relation to the EZLN in that period were of relevance in the state context. One: in his sixth and last government report, PSM gave an explicit mentioning and recognition of the Zapatistas. Two: in a communiqué issued by Organización para la Defensa de los Derechos Indigenas y Campesinos (Organization for the Defense of Indigenous and Agricultural Rights) (OPDDIC) – which is linked to armed civil groups with a military profile – and directed to Sebastián Guillén “Marcos”, the OPDDIC breaks all dialogue with the EZLN accusing it of protecting criminals and of benefiting big entrepreneurs and foreigners. In the same communiqué the OPDDIC threatens that it will “take the necessary measures in order to take back the land, which legally belongs to them, from the hands of the Zapatista bases”.
As for social conflicts and violations of rights in the state, the most severe conflict occurred in the village of Viejo Velasco in the Lacandona Jungle where on the 13th of November an armed attack, paramilitary-style, was waged against 17 indigenous families accused of being “invaders of the land” by members of the so called “Lacandon Community.”
This massacre – violating the attacked families` right to life, integrity, territory, property, health, food, and housing – caused 4 deaths, including the death of a woman who was 6-months pregnant; 4 cases of disappearances, presumed to have been executed; and 38 displaced persons.
The magnitude of the violations of these rights and the responsibility of the Mexican state in this case is given further dimensions, considering the fact that 5 months ago, NGOs working as defenders of human rights and rights of indigenous people, had officially warned of the imminence of the attack and had asked the federal and state governments to grant security guarantees for the threatened indigenous families.
Two other relatively grave social conflicts occurred in Chiapas: one in San Juan Chamula (in the Highlands) where there was a clash between 2 groups of indigenous PRI-sympathizers due to disputes over the control of the municipality, which led to the resignation of the municipal Councilor and the popular nomination of a new one, unknown to the State Congress. The other, in the Centre Region (Pujiltic-La Angostura) sugar-cane producers from 4 municipalities mobilized themselves and took over a sugar refinery in protest against the monopolist practices of the local cacique (local political boss).
In November, the Human Rights Centre Fray Bartolomé de las Casas (Frayba) reported 3 other acts of intimidation, consisting of espionage and surveillance of their installations and vehicles. In December, the same Centre received an aggressive communiqué signed by the so called “Fundación Lacandona, AC” (The Lacandona Foundation) and by the OPDIC (written this way), in which they threatened Frayba, the Centre for the Defense of Indigenous Liberty Xinich and, in particular, the general coordinator of Maderas del Pueblo and the operative coordinator of this project, who was accused of being an “assassin”.
inally, the acts of indiscriminate repression in Oaxaca, along with the previous similar operatives carried out in Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán (in April 2006) and in Atenco, the State of Mexico (in May 2006), as well as the nominations carried out by Calderón and the budget increase for the military and security forces – all in a context of a society politically fractured, and economically and socially deteriorating – create a difficult scenario, in terms of social conflicts and human rights, for the six year term that has just begun.
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