The forced disappearance of 43 students of the Normal Rural School of Ayotzinapa, Guerrero, in September of 2014 demonstrated the human rights crisis found in Mexico, which has been marked by extreme violence and insecurity. In 2014, there have been more than 15,000 murders and more than 24,000 people missing (according to the Interior Ministry), as well as impunity and profound institutional weakness in addressing this situation. The context in the country, in this reporting period, maintained the same trends with new illustrations that point to the same thing.

Events organized for the XXI Anniversary of the Human Rights Center Tlachinollan
© SIPAZ

In late June, the State Department of the United States released its annual report on the situation of human rights in Mexico in 2014. The report stated: “Significant problems related to human rights include the police and the military for their involvement in serious abuses such as extrajudicial murders, torture, forced disappearances of persons and physical abuse.” The report also noted that “[t]he impunity and corruption continue to be a serious problem, particularly at the state and local level, in the security forces and the judiciary sector.” These are strong conclusions although some analysts questioned that the document makes it appear that the majority of human rights violations were due to problems at the local level, minimizing the federal responsibility for them. They also put into question the conclusion that affirms that the Mexican government “generally respected” the right to free speech and protest. In July, the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) along with seven other human rights NGOs, asked the US government to withhold conditional funds of the Merida Initiative, an international security treaty for Mexico and Central America, because the Mexican government has not met the requirements of human rights.

Unfortunately, the trends posed by the US report are translating into new examples. In July, soldiers of the 86^th Infantry Battalion fired on civilians who were holding a protest for the detention, that same day, of Cemeí Verdía Zepeda, commander of the Community Police of Santa Maria Ostula, Michoacan. The result was a dozen wounded and the death of one young person. The official version is that the military had to repel an aggression of civilians. However, videos of the incident contradict that. It serves recalling that Santa Maria Ostula, a Nahua pueblo, recovered about 1,300 hectares of its territory in 2009, to “defend them of mining exploitation and drug trafficking”. Since then, 32 community members have been murdered and six are currently missing. In July, members of the 97th Infantry Battalion also arrested seven young people in the community of Calera, in Zacatecas, who were later executed. The National Defense Secretariat (SEDENA, for its acronym in Spanish) said it had opened an investigation and found evidence of the likely involvement of military personnel.

In the most notorious cases of violence, five people were killed in an apartment in the Narvarte Colony in Mexico City in July of the present year. Among them were Nadia Vera Perez and Ruben Becerril Espinosa. Nadia, born in Chiapas, was an activist in the student movement #Yosoy132 and fled from Veracruz where she was studying. Because of her political activism, she charged the state governor with responsibility for any harm done to her. Ruben was a photojournalist who specialized in the coverage of social movements and an activist against attacks on reporters in Veracruz. He decided to move to Mexico City in June after noticing that armed people had been following and photographing him. The other three people who were murdered were women that, for the moment, have not been linked to any process of social struggle. Veracruz is considered the most dangerous state for journalists in Mexico, with 13 journalists murdered and three missing since 2011. However, the official hypothesis does not point to the political persecution or murder because of the labor in media communication.

On the other hand, the second escape of Joaquin “El Chapo Guzman” demonstrated once again the institutional weakness against organized crime, since the jailbreak was carried out of a maximum security prison, which could not have happened without a high level of corruption and infiltration. Finally, in the bad news and according to official sources, since the beginning of the administration of President Enrique Peña Nieto, the number of poor people in the country rose by 2 million people, now totaling 55.3 million people living in that condition.

Elections were held on June 7, despite this panorama, to see who will occupy 1,996 public offices, including nine governors and 500 federal representatives. Citizen participation was of 47.72% while the null ballots reached 4.76% of the vote. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, the party in power) and its ally, the Ecologist Green Party of Mexico (PVEM) managed to get 50% of the Congress positions at stake.

Since early June, members of the National Coordination of Education Workers (CNTE) had expressed that they would be on strike indefinitely in the states of Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guerrero and Michoacan. Their demands included the cancellation of the Education Reform and the presentation alive of the 43 missing normalistas from Ayotzinapa. They announced they would boycott the elections and multiple violent acts were reported, such as the burning of public and electoral buildings. To ensure the elections, federal forces were deployed in the 4 states. In large parts of the country, situations of vote buying and coercion, in addition to violent incidents, were observed.

Guerrero: Stagnation in the Ayotzinapa case

Events organized for the XXI Anniversary of the Human Rights Center Tlachinollan
© SIPAZ

On the 26^th of every month, thousands of people organize to protest the forced disappearance of the students of Ayotzinapa. In May and June, their families and friends toured different parts of Europe and the Americas to draw attention to what happened.

In May 2015, the third report of the Interdisciplinary Group of Independent Experts (IMCI) consisting of five international experts appointed by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH) in the Ayotzinapa case, confirmed that in no way it can be considered resolved with the version of the Attorney General’s Office (PGR). In July, the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) also qualified the investigation as “incomplete” (see In Focus). The agency suggests, among other things, the appearance or extension of nine military declarations. In June, Proceso magazine reported that one of the missing students was an active soldier. Before this revelation, the families of the students stressed that these facts “only show the responsibility of the military” in the events. To date, the SEDENA has not allowed the IMCI to interview members of the 27 Infantry Battalion that could be linked to what happened.

The situation of human rights defenders in Guerrero remains at high risk. In August, the Center for Human Rights Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon issued an Urgent Action to protect the lives of activists of Iguala, Evelia Bahena García, Diana Carolina Brito Bahena, and Félix Rodríguez Navarrete, who have received death threats after leading an anti-mining movement against the Media Luna mine in the municipality of Cocula. On the other hand, after 17 months of detention in the federal prison at Tepic, and after a hunger strike that lasted 31 days, Nestora Salgado, commander of community police of Olinalá, was transferred to the Women’s Social Rehabilitation Center Tepepan in Mexico City. Later, she was informed that there are three more accusations against her for the alleged crimes of kidnapping, robbery and murder. Her lawyer assessed that the state prosecutor “guarded” those accusations, giving a clear signal that the process will not end despite petitions from the governor, Rogelio Ortega (from the Party of the Democratic Revolution, PRD).

Though it was doubted whether there existed conditions to hold them, elections were finally held in Guerrero. The candidate of the alliance PRI-PVEM, Héctor Astudillo, won the election for Governor. In the city councils, the PRI won 36 municipalities, the PRD 24, the Citizen Movement 7, and the National Action Party (PAN) 4. On the same day, members of the federal police arrested eight people in the municipality of Tlapa de Comonfort without warrants. The tension between federal police and neighbors was brought under control when it was agreed that the eight detainees would be released and transferred to Tlapa in return for the 30 federal police forces being held by the townspeople. However, that agreement was broken by other federal police forces and the military who came to rescue the hostages. This action resulted in the shooting death of Antonio Vivar Díaz, teacher and social activist.

Chiapas elections dominated by the Green Party, the party of current governor

© SIPAZ

The elections of June 7 in Chiapas took place in a context of tension due to the teachers’ demonstrations in previous days. However, the secretary general of government, Juan Carlos Gomez Aranda, said the day went smoothly although he acknowledged that “incidents” were observed which, he said, neither jeopardized the process nor social stability. In these “incidents“, not all voting polls could be installed and 35 ballot boxes and electoral propaganda were burned in Ocosingo, Chilón, Venustiano Carranza, Comitán, Salto de Agua, Chiapa de Corzo, Huehuetán, and Tuxtla Gutierrez, events from which the teachers disassociated themselves. According to the Network of Women Electoral Observers, 90% of the localities reported electoral crimes, such as coercion, threats, conditioning of programs and public services, among others.

The results – with participation of 46.4% of registered voters – gave a clear victory to the alliance of the PRI and Green Party, whose candidates were winners in the 12 districts that compose the state, obtaining 69.4% of the vote. The PVEM established itself as the leading political force in the state and Chiapas contributed at least 25% of the votes of the Green Party throughout the country. Morena came in third (with approximately 6% of the vote).

Despite these results, the alliance between the PRI and the PVEM seemed about to crumble in Chiapas. In local elections on July 19, those parties could not maintain their alliance but in two municipalities: Tuxtla Gutierrez and Tapachula. The vote that day was to choose 122 mayors and 41 local deputies. The Prosecutor Specialized for the Attention of Electoral Crimes (Fepade) received more than 200 complaints of various events throughout the state. Most of the violent incidents took place between the two winning parties. They occurred before, during, and after the elections and included roadblocks of armed and hooded persons; bullet wounds; theft of ballot boxes; the burning of ballots and office furniture, as well being called out by dissatisfied militants. PVEM , PRI, the New Alliance, and United Chiapas Party alliances overwhelmingly dominated these elections, both at the municipal level as in the case of the local Congress.

Human rights: complaints, more complaints

Pilgrimage for life, for peace and against violence and dispossession
© SIPAZ

Regarding impunity, in June, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) made public a new attack by “paramilitaries” on recuperated land from the poblado El Rosario, autonomous municipality of San Manuel, official municipality of Ocosingo. Later, they reported that on August 12 the two accused of the murder of master Galeano were released “despite that fact that they and their accomplices in the CIOAC-Histórica (Historic Independent Central of Agricultural Workers and Campesinos) know that they are guilty of organizing the crime.” It’s worth recalling that Galeano, Jose Luis Solis Lopez, was killed in May of 2014 in La Realidad, municipality of Las Margaritas. Likewise, in August, the Civil Society Las Abejas de Acteal denounced the impunity that has gone on for 6 years in the release of people linked to the massacre of Acteal (45 indigenous people – women and children were killed on December 22, 1997). They also noted that the Special Prosecutor for Indigenous Justice has not investigated the assassination of Manuel Lopez Perez (in July), allegedly with the complicity of the authorities of the municipality of Pantelhó.

Regarding forced displacement, in August, the 17 displaced tojolab’al families from the Poblado Primero de Agosto, municipality of Las Margaritas, reported new threats, harassment and omissions of the three levels of the Mexican government. In addition, between August 3 and 17, the displaced families of Banavil, municipality of Tenejapa, returned temporarily to their lands to work them, “without the guarantee of minimum security conditions from the Mexican State,” said the Human Rights Center Fray Bartolome de Las Casas.

Between August 14 and 17, the offices of the International Service for Peace (SIPAZ) in San Cristóbal de Las Casas were raided on two occasions. In addition to stealing money (but leaving part of it, as well as other valuables), a note was found saying “Be careful white girl”. No doors or windows were forced.

Despite everything, meetings and social movements continue

Return from the displaced families of Banavil
© SIPAZ

In June, relatives of the missing students from Ayotzinapa visited communities of the National Indigenous Congress (CNI) in Chiapas. In July, communities pertaining to the CNI of Chiapas met with adherents to the Sixth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle of the EZLN in the community of Cruzton, municipality of Venustiano Carranza. Participants positioned themselves in favor of autonomy and in defense of Mother Earth. In July, the EZLN announced the second level of the Zapatista Little School. The students who have passed the first level received an email in early August that contained instructions for carrying out the activities for the second level.

The Believing People (Pueblo Creyente), an organizational defense process being implemented throughout the diocese of San Cristobal de Las Casas, moved in several areas. In May, about 2,000 people of Simojovel held a pilgrimage to the community of La Pimienta where two children died and 29 more were hospitalized after receiving vaccines. The objective was to protest against public health institutions, and denounce the compensation offer of $5,000 pesos offered by the state government to the affected families. In June, about 2,500 members of the Believing People from the neighboring municipality of El Bosque also pilgrimaged to demand attention to the problems they face in the region such as violence, corruption, drug trafficking, and the lack of services. In July, in the border region, the Tojolab’al Mission called a pilgrimage where about 4,000 people participated. They expressed their solidarity with the people of Simojovel and reported the displacement of Banavil and the Poblado Primero de Agosto.

Oaxaca: “in state of emergency”

The social-political situation in the state has been marked by the elections of June, which ended with 440 violent incidents, 92 detained, injured, missing, and one dead. As various civil society organizations have called “Oaxaca in state of emergency”, since shortly before the elections, members of the federal police, the National Guard and the Army came to the state for the possibility that Section 22 of teachers would prevent the elections. On July 18, security forces were reinforced after the state government took over the State Institute of Education (IEEPO), an entity that was previously managed under Section 22 of the CNTE. Considered as another “hit” to the Oaxacan teachers, the federal government froze one of their accounts, one which receives union dues and transfers of the state government, allegedly because irregular movements were recorded. There was an occupying military and police force of approximately 7,000 until mid-August.

Organizations of human rights defenders and social groups of the state demanded the immediate withdrawal of military and police forces to the state governor, Gabino Cue Monteagudo, warning that their presence “demonstrates the policy of criminalization of social protest”. The governor claims that their presence is not to repress, but to contain. Moreover, the president of the Political Coordination Board of the local legislature, Jesus Lopez Rodriguez, considered the presence of federal forces unnecessary after the announcement of Section 22 that they would not boycott the start of the school year. He claimed the governor stepped over the local Congress to request their presence. The dispatch of troops and patrols on the streets have created a kind of siege.

On the other hand, in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, the Popular Assembly of the Juchiteco Pueblo (APPJ) and civil society organizations filed an amparo, (similar to an order of protection) for violations of the right to consultation, following the announcement of the Ministry of Energy (SENER) that the construction of the wind farms of the Eólica del Sur business would begin in the communities of Juchitan and El Espinal. The organizations that were part of the Observation Mission of the consultation detected many irregularities such as: the granting of permits and contract signatures prior to obtaining consent; more than 30 security incidents; 75 unattended requests for information; lack of certified translators; sessions without considering the traditions of the community; and overall, a context of insecurity, pressure, violence, and a lack of transparency. They also noted: “This is the first occasion in which the Ministry of Energy has initiated a consultation of indigenous character on the basis of national legislation (…), modified from the Energy Reform. The consultation of Juchitan, according to the authorities, will be the reference point from which to follow projects resulting from this reform, which is why the serious human rights violations that have been documented throughout its development take on national relevance”.

As for citizen mobilizations, the Front in Defense of the Mountain of Fortin was formed, a movement that opposes the construction of the Cultural and Convention Center of Oaxaca that “the government of Gabino Cue wants to impose, even though his own secretary of Tourism, José Zorrilla Diego, acknowledged that there is a conflict of interest that will benefit him.” The Front brings together 55 collectives, civil organizations, environmentalists, associations of engineers, architects, and broadcasters. “Enough of monstrous buildings, which are poorly planned and expensive. Enough with destroying the natural areas of the city, enough with the abuse of power,” said the Front, in June. A clash between groups caused explosions against the neighbors and members of the Front in which the technical secretary of the Oaxacan Water Forum, Rocio Olivera Toro Maya, was injured on the left leg and several participants reported hearing damage as a result of the attack. Rocio Olivera had previously suffered several acts of surveillance. Precautionary measures had been issued to protect her, but they had not yet been implemented at the time of the attack.

Outside the city of Oaxaca, social activist Omar Esparza Zarate, widow of Bety Cariño, the human rights defender who was murdered along with Jyri Jaakkola when participating in a humanitarian caravan in San Juan Copala in 2010, denounced the existence of an armed group that has intended to kill him. Finally, in Chimalapas in May there occurred a clash between residents of San Antonio Chimalapa and inhabitants of the state of Chiapas which left two people injured and four detained. Following a presidential decree of 1967, the community members of Santa Maria Chimalapas were granted thousands of hectares of land within the limits of Chiapas and Oaxaca. This has caused many conflicts surrounding resolutions and possessions of land that previously existed. In July, the Zoques of Santa Maria Chimalapa released another ultimatum to the federal and state governments to respond immediately to the invasions of Chiapas territory from the Chimalapas. In August, two new mass invasions were reported.